A.SAHEL BUSH-PIONEER EDI TOR, 1?0LITIO IA.I::(Alw BANKER 
by 
JENETTE ELIZABETH ROBERTS 
A Thesis 
Presented to the Department of History 
and the Graduate Division of the University of Oregon 
in partial fulfillment 
of the requirements for the degree of 
Master of Arts 
August 1939 
APPROVED: 
Major Adviser 
For the Graduate Committee 
of the College of Social Science 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
CH.APTER PAGE 
PREFACE ..... 1 
I. EARLY LIFE l 
II. POLITICAL LEADER 6 
III. EDITOR OF THE STATESMAN. 43 
IV. PIONEER BANKER ..... 68 
V. AS.AREL BUSH, THE MAN 76 
VI. CONCLUSION 84 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 87 
PREFACE 
This study endeavors to show the part played in Ore-
gon during the years 1851-1913 by Asahel Bush, pioneer edi-
tor, politician, and banker. 
The writer has made use of the plentiful source 
material available for the territorial period. The cor-
respondence which the editor of the Statesman carried on 
with many men in Oregon has been fairly well preserved. 
Contemporary newspapers, particularly the Oregonian and the 
Argus, supplement the information about the political life, 
economic interests, and various activities gleaned from the 
Statesman. The papers of the territorial government give 
much reliable information. These are available for study 
in the Oregon Historical Library, Portland, Oregoµ. 
Appreciation is due the Bush family in Salem, par-
ticularly Mr. A. N. Bush, whose interest and help have made 
the task more interesting. His kindness in ma.king avail-
able his father's letters and the file of the Statesman 
(1851-1863) has been inestimable. A word of thanks should 
ii 
be expressed to those members of the bank who so cheerfully 
assisted by providing a place to study. 
Acknowledgment should be given Dr. R. c. Clark for 
his suggestions and assistance. Not least is the thanks 
due Miss Nellie B. Pi~es, Librarian of the Oregon Historical 
Library. 
CH.APTER I 
EARLY LIFE 
Today as one enters the imposing Ladd and Bush bank 
in Salem, Oregon, his attention is usually drawn to the 
portrait in the fireplace room. 1 _ The stately countenanoe 
that look_s down is that of the founder of Salem's chief 
financial institution; few realize that as a young man he 
laid the foundation of the Democratic party in Oregon. If 
he had not made a fortune in later years, he would still 
be remembered for his political aotivities. 2 
Asahel Bush was born in Westfield, Massachusetts, 
June 4, 1824. 5 Little is known about his boyhood and early 
years, since he refused to write or dictate an autobiography. 
When friends broached the subject to him, he said . that- he 
believed an autobiography would be of little interest to 
the public, and he could not be induced to consider such a 
1. This portrait was done by Webster from Chicago, Ill-
inois. Conversation with A. N. Bush, Spring 1939. 
2. Oregon Weekly Times, May 8, 1858. 
3. Ladd and Bush Quarterly, (April 1914) p. 16. 
2 
proposition.1 
He sprang from Welsh people who c~~e to America in 
1630. They settled near Westfield, Massachusetts, after 
having lived in Southwick, Conneoticut, close to the Massa-
chusetts line for some twenty years. 2 Most of his people 
pursued agricultural interests, Aaron Bush, his grandfather, 
and Asahel Bush, Senior, being farmers as well as three of 
his brothers. His particular bent towards politics seems 
to have been somewhat of a family trait since his father 
was a selectman of his town and a representative of the 
Massachusetts state legislature. 3 
To Asahel Bush and Sally Nobel, parents of the Ore-
gon pioneer, were born six children, Asahel being the fifth 
child. 4 
~sahel attended the public school in Westfield where 
l. Senator Chamberlain, Oregon Journal, December 23, 1913, 
P• l, col. 6. 
2. Conversation with A. N. Bush, Spring 1939 .. 
3. Joseph Gaston, Centennial History of Oregon, II; {Chi-
oago: The s. J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1912), p. 267. 
4. The children were Mary, the eldest who married Tom 
Kneil, a man interested in politics; Pamela, the wife of 
Ephraim Craig, who aocumulated a comfortable amount of money; 
Luke, a farmer who spent his life on the edge of Westfield; 
Seth, another thrifty farmer; Edmund, the only member of the 
family who made the trip west and who died soon after hie 
brother had brought him out to Oregon. Conversation with 
A. N. Bush, Spring 1939. 
3 
he apparently mastered his rudimentary knowledge in a satis-
factory fashion, since his skill in spelling and composition 
was superior to that of most of his contemporaries. 1 Attend-
ance at the Westfield Academy completed his formal education. 
When he was fifteen, the death of his father made further 
education impossible. Soon after this, he went to Saratoga 
Springs, New York, where he served as an apprentice for near-
ly three years in the Saratoga Sentinel office. After serv-
ing his apprenticeship for the trade of printer, he went to 
Albany where he worked for a few months in the state print-
ing office.2 Perhaps it was here that he discovered that 
public printing might be made quite lucrative; at any rate 
he received valuable experience for his printing career in 
Oregon. Next he went to Cleveland, Ohio, at which t~wn he 
worked as a printer for nearly a year:' He returned to West-
field in 1846, where he edited the Westfield Standard,4 
1. Bush to Deady, December 25, 1862. 
2. R. C. Clark, History of the Willamette, III (bio-
graphical), p. 44. 
3. The Ladd and Bush uarterl does not follow the same 
order as the historians. 1914 
4. Volume of this paper is in the possession of 
A. N. Bush. 
4 
January 24, 1849, to July 3, 1850, studied la.w under Wil-
liam Blair and Patrick Boise, 1 and served as town clerk. 
In May of that year he was admitted to the Bar. 
It was in 1850 that Samuel R. Thurston, Oregon's 
2 
delegate to Congress first met Asahel Bush. Thurston de-
oided his political fortunes could be best promoted by a 
newspaper. Acoordingly while he was in the East, in 1850, 
he made arrangements with two men, Russell and Stook:well, 
to purohase a press for him and to ship it to Oregon. 3 
They were to be the mechanical partners. 
While Thurston was visiting his wife's people in 
Chicopee, Massachusett_s, 4 he heard of an enterprising and 
promising young editor named Asahel Bush. In Washington, 
that same ye~r Thurston and Bush came to an understanding 
about the future democratic paper. The exaot basis of the 
transaotion was not definitely settled. Stookwell and 
Russel were sent to Oregon end William Blain, editor of 
1. Unole of R. P. Boise, who ca.me to Oregon and was a 
well known jurist.-
2. Diary of Samuel Royal Thurston, Oregon Historioal 
Quarterly, X.V (Sept. 1914). 
3. Original agreement may be seen in the Oregon His-
torioal Library. 
4. Hence references to Bush as "Chick!' Breakspear-
Melodrama entitled Treason, Stratagems, and Spoils (by 
W. L. Adams, published in the Oregonian, 1852.) Deady to 
Nesmith, April 12, 1856: 
"Now glory to the Salem Clique by whom hie honor died ~ 
And glory to our Scribbling 'Chick' whose goose quill pierc-
his side." 
5 
the Spectator had some sort of· interest in the projeot.1 
Although Blain soon sold his interest in the Statesman he 
seemed interested in its success, as he obtained subscrib-
ers for the paper after he settled in Union Point. Bush's 
aggressive personality was shovm in his demands on Thur-
ston. 2: He desired eventual ownership and full control of 
the editorial policy. Subsequent controversy with Russell 
shows the wisdom of this demand. On December 1850·, Rus-
sell turned over his share to Bu.sh. It was not long be-
fore Bush was master of the Statesman. 
l. Ladd and Bush Quarterly. April 1915, p. 13. 
2. Oswald West, The Politics and Politicians of Early 
Oregon, (Unpublished paper prepared for Reed College his-
tory class). 
CHAPTER II 
POLITICAL LEADER 
Asahel Bush left Massachusetts in July, 1860, embark-
ing on the Empire City for Aspinwall. His journey across 
the isthmus ~as by a boat poled up the Chagres River and by 
riding a mule over the mountains. He reembarked on the 
Panama and arrived in San Franc is co where he remained a 
short time. He then continued his journey to Astoria, at 
Which point he took a smaller boat up the Columbia, arriv-
ing at Portland and later at Oregon City, his destination, 
in September 30, 1860.1 
In accordance with his understanding with Thurston, 
as soon as he arrived, he went about setting the stage for 
the establishment of the democratic paper-the Statesman. 
He carried letters of introduction to the leading Democrats 
of the Territory-such as the following: 
"The bearer is Asahel Bush who comes to 
make Oregon his home. He is a gentleman of 
high integrity and of the first order of a-
bility. He is oompetitent to carry out with 
1. Joseph Gaston, The Centennial History of Oreron, 
(Ohioago: The S. J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1912 p. 267. 
7 
great success the object he has in view in 
Oregon. He would be obliged to you for let-
ters of introduction to other gentlemen in 
Oregon. Please lend him your aid, and 
patronize his enterprise. "l 
He maintained a life long friendship with some of 
the Democrats that he met on his arrival in Oregon City; 
one of these was M. P. neady with whom he lived during his 
first year in Oregon. From most of these men he secured 
advance subscriptions and many of them solicited subscribers 
to his paper. How well he carried out Thurston's instruc-
tions is shown by the fact that he was elected clerk of the 
Legislative Assembly, December 2, 1850, and served until 
their adjournment the follovdng February. Many were the re-
marks of jealousy .evoked by this aoti on. nA stranger" had 
been chosen clerk and soon to their consternation the 
stranger had had himself chosen territorial printer. 2 To 
make matters worse the printing right had been granted with-
out the printer's press being in Oregon. 3 For a young man 
to have accomplished so much in a few months, presages his 
political influence in the following years. 
~a long as the Spectator was the only paper in Oregon 
1. Letter to Alfant, Driggs, Burkhart, et. al. (all from 
Linn County) from S. R. Thurston, July 28, 1850. 
2. Spectator, February 20, 1861. 
3. Oswald West, op. oit., p. 5. 
8 
it did what public printing was needed.1 With the arrival 
of the Oregonian, Star and Statesman, competition developed, 
but Bush, quick to see the advantage that would come to hie 
paper, managed to get the work by having the office ofter-
ritorial printer created and himself appointed to that posi-
tion. Thus it is evident that from the first issue of the 
j"tatesman there was to be war among the various papers in 
the Oregon Territory. 
The new territorial printer was kept in a state of 
embarrassment and concern o~er the long delay in the arriv-
al of his printing press. He expected when he left the 
Eaat,tbat upon his arrival in Oregon, the press would be 
set up and ready for use, since Russell and Stockwell had 
preceded him for that purpose. When he arrived in Oregon 
City, he learned that the press had never left New York. 
He heard rumors that other papers might be started before 
his own. No ship left Oregon but carried a letter from 
Bueh to Thurston. The following excerpt of one of Bush's 
letters will give an idea of Bush's concern: 
"If you knew how matters stood here, you 
would not suffer this delay. You would get 
that press here somehow if you had to start 
it across the Isthmus. ~very day or two the 
report that it is abandoned and is not coming 
1. Ibid., P• 6. 
9 
is started and finds, more or less believers; 
that it is not to be a Demooratic paper in 
the true sense of the word, but merely a 
Thurston paper, etc., etc. to the end of the 
chapter. 11 1 . 
Men unfriendly to Thurston made use of his reported 
ownership of the paper to discredit the enterprise. Bush 
had been warned to deny that Thurston was connected with 
the paper. 2 
The Spectator carried an announcement of the launch-
ing of the Statesman several weeks before it mentioned the 
Oregonian, but much to Bush's chagrin the first issue of the 
Oregonian came out December 4, 1860'. T. J. Dryer, its edi-
tor, was known to have sympathy vdth the Whigs and in his 
early issues cast aspersions on Bush and his coming venture. 
Bush wrote Thurston as follows: 
"I hope you Will write to your friends all 
about the territory by return mail to do all 
they can for the Statesman. It will start un-
der very unfavorable auspices. Everybody is 
so impatient and there is so much competition. 
The territory is getting full of papers and 
some of them must die; I predict that in less 
two years from this time printing establishment! 
can be bought cheaper in Oregon than New York." 
1. AsaheJ.Bush to s. R. Thurston, November 19, 1850. 
2. S. R. Thurston to AaanelBush, January 27, 1861. "In 
your first number, in a dignified manner, state that I have 
no control or influence whatever over the paper, and that I 
will be no further a supporter than any other good Democrat." 
3. Ass.heJ. Bush to s. R. Thurston, December 20, 1850. 
10 
When the first issue of the Statesman came out, Bush 
took the opportunity of returning some of the attacks made. 1 
He wrote: 
"The Oregonian, Star, and Spectator recently 
worked themselves into a rage beca~se the Legis-
lative Assembly saw fit, before its adjournment, 
to provide for the election of and to elect a 
Territorial Printer, instead of farming out the 
public printing among disinterested publishers of 
these sheets. Ea.ch boldly asserts that it is com-
petent to do the work, when any practical printer 
living could tell them that all combined would be 
utterly incompetent to execute it, or even make~ 
decent commencement. The Oregonian office is pro-
vided only with a rude wooden "ramage press" used 
in the early days of printing but superceded and 
discarded nearly half a century ago, and a few 
cases of condemned and worn out type. Yet the 
editor unblushingly asserts that his establishment 
is fully competent to print the laws of the Terri-
tory, when he knows, if he knows anything about 
the business, that he can't print a two-penny traot 
so that his youngest apprentice would be unashamed 
to distribute it." 
When Dryer complained about Bush~a .language, the 
Statesman replied: 
"The Oregonian, after announcing that the con-
tents of the Statesman is a curiosity devotes 
half a column to a blustering attack upon person-
alities, and a whining complaint about having 
been attacked in that manner by the Statesman. 
Complaints of this kind come with poor grace from 
a paper devoted, from its first to la.st number, 
almost exclusively to the grossest personal abuse, 
the most foul mouth slander, groveling scurrility. 
falsehood and ribald blaokguardism; insomuch that 
it has long since ceased to sustain any but a pot-
l. Statesman, March 28, 1851. · 
11 
house reputation or receive the countenance 
and respect of any party or community •••• 
He complains, and without reason of our em-
ployment of personalities, and whines over 
the matter like a whipped spaniel. · He should 
learn to take blows before he ventures to 
give them .••• If, as he asserts,the editor's 
reputation is unblemished, it will needno de-
fense from his injudicious pen; if it is not, 
it will suffer from this being defended before 
it is attacked. In any event, silence is the 
part of wisdom." 1 . 
This gives an idea of the style with which the pa-
per was launched. To read Dryer's si_de of the story is to 
encounter the same sort of attack. 
Now that we have seen how the Statesman was started, 
let us consider how Bush went about to organize the Demo-
crats in the territory. When Oregon became a territory, 
there were no established parties. s. R. Thurston, a Dem-
ocrat hailing from Maine and Iowa, was supposed to be non-
partisan in his representation of the territory, although 
he seems to have represented the Methodists interests as 
opposed to the Hudson's Bay Co., and most of the Methodists 
were Whiga. 2 He was anxious to make himself olear to Bush: 
"You will understand my position, I have 
no objection to parties organizing but while 
I am Delegate, I shall not engage as a parti-
san, but consult solely the best interests 
of Oregon. It would be injudicious for me to 
talce any other course, and I trust the Whigs 
1. Statesman, April 4, 1861. 
2. R. C. Clark, History of the-Willamette Valley, I (Chi-
oago: The S. J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1927), P• 412. 
12 
will not seek to drive me to any other posi-• 
tion."1 
The Oregonian and the Spectator opposed the estab-
lishment of political parties in Oregon, probably because 
they felt the Whigs were in the minority. The Statesman, 
however, stood for organization and began to have a series 
of letters published as to the advisability of such action. 
These letters were ~itten by friends throughout the terri-
tory under assumed names, such as: Lafayette, Jefferson, 
Yamhill, etc. 2 
In order to understand the organization of the ~emo-
cratic party it is necessary to review the political situa-
tion at the time. 3 
Joseph Lane, a Democrat from Indiana, had been chosen 
governor by President Polk. He was the sort of man who was 
popular with constituents-one that mingled with them and 
had a genuine interest in their problems. 4 • Added to this, he 
had a military record which appealed to their imagination and 
he was dubbed "Old Marion." With the change in adrqinistration 
there came to Oregon in 1850 a new governor-a Whig~John P. 
1. S. R. Thurston to Asaliel Bush, August 11, 1850. 
2. s. R. Thurston-to Statesman, ~ovember 30, 1860; Asahel 
Bush to M. P. Deady, April 1, 1861. 
3. W. C. Woodward has covered this period in such a com-
plete manner that his book, The Rise and Early History of Po-
litical Parties in ~rig~¥• has been used a great deal. Oon-
teiaporary papers an e ers were read first and the boo~ ver-
ifiM the study. ____ 
4. H. H. Bancroft, History of Pacific States of North Ame~ 
III (San Francisco: The History Company, 1888) p. 141. 
13 
Gaines. In p~rsonality as well as politics he differed 
from Lane. A man of "aristocratic bearing," he had the 
misfortune to represent "outside interference" as well as 
the party that was in the minority and as such oame in for 
much criticism and even personal abuse. The question that 
was used as an e~cuse for building up feeling against the 
governor was the location of the capital. The territorial 
legislature had passed a bill providing for the location 
of three state or territorial buildings-the capitol at 
Salem, the penitentiary at Portland, and the university at 
Marysville (Corvallis). Gaines did not like the idea of 
moving to Salem, and raised the question of the constitu-
tionality of the location bill, since the constitutional 
provision against an "omnibus bill" seemed to nullify the 
law. Gaines interpreted the second act, providing later ap-
propriations, as giving him concurrent power with the legis-
lature in designating the places. At any rate Bush, brought 
out to Oregon to build up the Democratic organization, saw 
a good opportunity to draw party lines, if not right then, 
at least for the future. In his _co~reapondence he indicated: -
"I have no sort of interest in this matter 
and no preference of localities and I am not 
governed by the wishes of the friends of any 
living or dead man. · Whatever others may think 
o~ say you are well enough acquainted with me 
to need no assurance of this nor ala~ that on 
this or any other local question (God grant 
that there were less of them) I shall not go for 
14 
or against this side of the river."1 
He saw the possibility of making as he expressed it 
"capital for the future against the governort Holbrook, and 
all concerned in the affair." Bush did not want Gaines to 
have a triumph over the legisla~ure and saw that by raising 
the question of the executive's right to interpret the law, 
he would have a good rallying point against the Whigs. 
"The Governor and Company should not be per-
mitted to have an unqualified triumph. The 
question of validity should be imme~iately 
brought before the District Court." 
Not all his friends were so confident of the wisdom 
of this policy as Bush. To Deady he wrote: 
"You ask who Gaines is to triumph over? 
Suppose he succeeds in getting the law nul-
lified without going to court? Will it not 
be a triumph for him and one which he would 
boast of? Most certainly. But suppose the 
matter goes to the court and there is decid-
ed void; you lose nothingt• while Gaines is 
driven from his position and is partially van-
quished •.•• I do not consider this exactly a 
party matter yet the parties concerned neces-
sarily make it somewhat so, especially if we 
look ahead a few years. If five or ten years 
hencet you should be running against HolQrook 
for Congress with party lines drawn as they · 
will be, the Democrats should raise Holbrook's 
conduct in this matter against him as they 
wHl be likely to do, it would be rather em-
1. AeahEU Bush to M. P .. Deady, August 19, 1851. 
2 • .Asah~lBush to Y. P. Deady, August 6, 1861. 
16 
barassing to have them retort that our candi-
date sustained them. You must recollect that 
the act will remain after the feeling which
may now justify it shall have passed away.n 1 
As Bush anticipated, men did divide on this issue, 
but in some oases new alignments were made where economic 
interests were stronger than the political party, e.g. 
James McBride of Oregon City, a Tennessee Democrat, went 
over to the Whigs. The legislature that met in Oregon City 
did not have a quorum. The, meeting of that body was humor-
ously, if abusively, reported by the Vox Populi, a paper 
put out five times by certain members of the legislative as-
sembly at 8alem. 2 In the January 2 issue appeared the 
"Grand Divertisement," a play to be given by Federal \Yhig 
officers. This was full of personal abuse. However, its 
form was copied and made more retaliative in Breakspeare-
A Melodrama entitled Treason, Stratagems and Spoils (by 
W. L. Adams who later became the editor of the Argus.}. It 
appeared in the Oregonian in five acts and later came out 
in pamphlet form. 3 It showed Pratt and his coteri Chick 
(Bush), Uncle Ned (Deady), Grub (Willson), Rex (King), Peter 
l. A~eJ. Bush to M. , P. Deady, August 19, 1861. 
2. Copies are found in the Oregon Historical Library, 
Portland. 
3. Oregonian, February 7, 14, and 21, 1862; March 3, 6, 
1862. 
16 
(Waterman) et al. planning how they would dupe the territory 
by organizing a republic, introducing Mormonism, etc. 1 
Even judges were not neutral in the capital contro-
versy. Judges Strong and Nelson (Whigs) decided the location 
law was invalid and held court . at Oregon City while Judge 
Pratt, a Democrat, declared it valid and sat in Salem. To 
make a long story short, the capital was finally placed at 
Salem officially by a Joint resolution of Congress which 
ratified and approved the act of the legislative assembly of 
the Oregon Territory. 2 
Bush did not end his attack on Gaines after the action 
of the Congress. The attacks on the Governor match anything 
Bush ever wrote against Dryer._ He went back into his Mexican 
war record and dubbed him "Encarnaciofi," because it was at 
that place that Gaines had surrendered. 
"Major Gaines at the head of about one hun-
dred men was surprised at a place called Encar-
nacio~, by a small body of Mexican troops -(not 
one fifth of the numbe r stated in the Oregonim) 
commanded by General Minon, a full blooded negro, 
originally from Hayti, it is said. A surrender 
was demanded and a consultation of the American 
-officers was holden •••• They did surrender with-
out firing a gun, to a band of 'greasers' headed 
by a negro,"3 
l. A list which identifies these characters is available 
in the Library of the Oregon Historical Society. This was 
given by the family of w. L. Adams. 
2. C.H. Carey, A General History of Oregon, II (Portland: 
Metropolitan Preas, 1936) p. 472. 
3. Statesman, March 2, 1862. 
17 
He insisted that the Oregonian was trying to whitewash 
Gaines' cowardly surrender at Encarnaci6n. He added that 
even General Taylor had spoken of the surrender in terms of 
condemnation. The last point was very effective since Gen-
eral Taylor had appointed Gaines. 
Gaines very naturally despised Bush. In the States-
~ for January 27, 1852, we find: 
''In passing down Main Street last Thursday 
and when near the library room, without either 
seeking to meet or avoid him we came in col-
lision with Governor Gaines who had just left 
his office. Upon encountering each other, he 
instantly said: 'you-----, did you intend to 
run against me?' We replied, 'No, Sir, nor do 
I intend to get off the walk for you or anybody 
else.' Flourishing his cane, when we prepared 
to defend ourself, he passed on railing and 
cursing. 
The Governor saw us coming down the walk 
from his office window, and came out for the 
purpose of running against and getting up a 
pretense of caning us, but finding by our move-
ments that we were armed and prepared to defend 
ourself against his cowardly assault, he desist-
ed from his real purpose, and contented himself 
with the harmless amusement of flourishing his 
tongue and cane." 
The editor worked cautiously in his organization of 
the Democratic party. Thurston had warned him to observe 
and feel his way, not attempting any territorial organiza-
tion until the several counties were well organized. Thur-
ston said, 
"Hereupon is the -importance of getting the 
party drilled in such divisions thoroughly 
before you require it to mark time in one body • 
•••• If during the next two years, we oan get 
the party under drill in several counties, it 
18 
will be a very auspicious time to make the 
grand rally at the commencement of the next 
administration." I 
This the Demoorats did. At a caucus held by the Demooratio 
members of the legislature, 1851, they passed tb is· resolu-
tion: 
"Resolved, tba t it is deemed expedient to <-/ 
organize the Democratic party of Oregon. ?l •• 
J 
In January, 1852, the first Territorial central com-
mittee was organized of whioh J. W. Nesmith was chosen. 
The first territorial .Democratic convention assembled in 
Salem April, 1853.2 
Although certain Or~gonians, headed by such men as 
Dryer of the Oregonian and Schnebly of the Speotator, com-
plained bitterly about the organization of party lines, the 
die was cast and the Whigs v1ere forced to organize when 
they perceived how effectively an organized party secured 
offices. 
President Pierce appointed J. W. Davis to the office 
of governor in 1853. 3 The ~emocrats had no .reason :o objaot 
to the politics of the new governor, but they· raised the old 
lr- s. R. Thurston toAsahe.lBush, Sep'\;ember !3, 1850 (Con-
fidential). 
2. C.H. Carey, op. cit., p. 493. 
3. Ibid., p. 803. 
19 
o:Y about the unfairness of bringing "outsiders IT into Ore-
gon as officers when there were good men avail~ble in the 
territory. In 1854, after nine months in the territory, 
Davis resigned and Curry was the ex-officio governor. 
Fierce appointed Curry governor, who served as such until 
1859. 
An inner circle of Democrats, composed of such men 
as Bush, Nesmith, Deady, Harding, Grover, Boise, had become 
very powerful. They were known as the "Salem Clique," an 
expression which was used with a bitter connotation by the 
opposition. Bush, the voice of the "Clique," and usually 
considered the leader, came in for the greatest share of 
oritioism. Shippee oha.racterizes this group as a "diotator-
ial political ring, the moving spirit of which was Asahel 
Bush •••• He made and unmade fortunes; his approbation must 
be secured before a future political life might be dreamed 
of; his opposition hounded a man to civil oblivion. nl 
One might expeot the Whigs to denounce the Clique, 
but the Democra ta out'si de the pale also had muoh to· say. 
"Their organ, the Statesman though ostens-
ibly the organ of the whole party, yet under 
the guidance of an editor .with as many fruit-
ful schemes of trickery and evidence of in-
1. ~. B. . . Sn,ippee • "Echo of the Campaign of Sixty", Ore-
gon Historical Quarterly, XII (Sept. 1911), p. 362. 
20 
gratitude to benefactors as are seldom found 
attached to one man and under the dictation 
and intimate counsel of two men situated in 
the background, v1ho a.re everywhere beginning 
to be known for their subtlety and deep plot-
ting, aided by a fey men in different parts 
of the country ...• " 
In addition to considering what was said about the 
Clique during territorial days, it is interesting to note 
what a man who had been a contemporary said after many 
years. In an address to the Pioneer Association, John Mc-
Bride said: 
"The darkest period in the history of 
Oregon was the period of the territorial 
government. As Jackson and Van Buren had 
their kitchen cabinets, so Oregon had its 
'Salem ring'. There measures were origin-
ated, party policy ordained, and political 
honors and offices decided upon and distrib-
uted. It seemed a sort of ideal being in 
politics, something like a corporation in 
business affairs. It was a sort of electric-
al force; it was never seen, but it made its 
presence known by its effects •..• No rule 
was more strict or exacting. It forced its 
edicts with cruel and unfailing punishment; 
it demanded obedience that tolerated no hes-
itation and it was a stranger to all mercy .•.• 
To be fair, as I wish to be, I say now in 
looking baok upon the years of political rule 
in Oregon under the Salem Clique, I believe ' 
it to have been a good one for the masses of 
the people. Taxes were low, economy was prac-
tised in public expenditures and no reproach 
of corruption ever tainted its administration. 
If it exacted political obedience, it equally 
required the most rigid iutegrity. It demand-
ed unhesitating service to itself but it al-
lowed no lapse from equally faithful duty 
1. Standard, June 12, 1856. 
21 
to the people. It rewarded its friends · and 
it was merciless t9 traitors, whether to 
itself or ma.sses."l 
In the fifties the United States was swept by three 
issues which had strong emotional appeal-prohibition, na-
tive American movement, and slavery. In Oregon the slavery 
question did not become important until the latter part of 
the deoade, but prohibition and the so-called American party 
movement were widely discussed. Thus the newly organized 
Whigs found themselves beset by these two issues. 2 The 
statesman sought to represent most of the supporters of 
these two issues as Whigs, but Bush was forced to admit from 
time to time that Democrats were also to be found in their 
ranks. In fact, the parties were divided on these questi one .3 
law 
The Maine prohibitionAwhich was passed in 1851 was 
discussed throughout the United States and Oregon was no ex-
ception, especially sime in the provisional government days 
the Organic Laws gave the legislative committee power to 
regulate the introduction, manufacture, and the sale of 
liquor. Bush took a firm stand against this measure'for 
personal as ·.well as political reasons. This ha.a been dis-
cussed at greater length in the chapter which deals with his 
Views on public questions of his day. 
1. Oregon Pioneer Association Transactions, (1897), pp. 
9-43. 
2. R. C. Clark, .Q.E.• cit., P• 416. 
3. C.H. Carey, .Q.E.• cit., p. 500. 
22 
Bush seemed to feel tb.s.t the Know-Nothing movement 
offered the greater threat to party or gan ization. Its very 
secrecy lent itself as a.n effective weapon against party 
organization. Considering his views on religion and his 
attitude toward foreigners, his stand on this agitation was 
consistent and not just a political device. 
As early as 1852 he gave his views on the so-called 
American group: 
·nwe hardly expected to find in Oregon, 
peopled as it is by representatives of al-
mes t every state and country on the globe, 
an advocate of the narrow minded, illiberal 
doctrines of the odious native .American 
faction which some years since had a brief 
existence in a few of our eastern cities .••• " 1 
In 1854, when he was in the East he reported the 
.Know-Nothing situation there predicting, "It will be of 
brief duration." When he ret1.rr·ned to Oregon he opened war-
fare on the group. Secret meetings were being held in the 
various communities. Friends informed him of the serious-
ness of the situation. Delazon Smith told him o. C. Pratt 
had joined while he was in California and having returned 
to Oregon had changed Leland of the Standard.· There were 
several wigwams in Ma.ri~n county that Bush knew nothing 
about and he even talked with men who were members, but 
Whom he did not suspect. 
1. Statesman, March 30, 1862. 
2. Dela.zoo Smith to Ailahel Bush, March 18, 1866. 
23 
As long as secrecy could be maintained, effective op-
position was impossible. A despicable method was used of 
spying from within the order. A printer by the name of 
Beebe, having been guaranteed that his identity would be 
kept secret, told Dush the whole story. 1 Imagine the effect 
of the Statesnan's coming out with a complete expos, of the ~ 
rites of initiation, meetings, secret notices for meetings, 
etc. 2 In fact, the editor had the list of names of many of 
the members and threatened to print it. 
The set back to the movement was immeasurable. Dry-
er ridiculing the exposure said: 
"We would suggest that a school be forth 
with established in the Statesman office to 
educate knot-hole peekersh a.nd crack listen-
ers in their profession.".? 
Euah was not satisfied with the exposure, but appeal-
ed to the Whigs to look within their ranks and to cast out 
the offenders, not deigning them even worthy of membership 
in the Whig organization. The editor was ruthless in his 
attacks, employing ridicule and abusive language. 
The Oregonian did not take very favorably the sug-
gestion that a purge should be made in the ranks of the 
1. D. W. Craig to George Himes; letter is on file in the 
Oregon Historical Library. Listed in W. c. Woodward, .Q.E.• 
ill•, pp. 67, 68. Beebe, the printer who made the exposure, 
soon left for Califomia. 
2. Statesman, November l, 1864. 
3. Oregonian, Ma7 6, 1855. 
24 
Whigs: 
"In a late number of that delectable sheet 
a bush with his characteristic verdancy com-
menced a purification by reading out Governor 
Gaines, Mr. Chinn, ourselves, and others ...• 
The Whigs, we imagine, will take care of their 
interest in Oregon without aid or assistance 
of this scrawny bush or any of the noxious sprouts 
or suckers of the democratic stalks which have 
grown io such a wonderful height in this terri-
tory." 
But the final weapon and most effective was the pas-
sage of the Viva Voce law or oral voting. ~fter the enact-
ment of this law there was little hope for an effective 
comeback, since this imposed a kind of censorship. Voters 
were obliged under this system to call out the name of the 
candidate for whom they voted or hand it to the judges who 
read the ballot aloud. Critics of the "Salem Clique" in-
sisted that its purpose was to check not only the Know-
Nothings, but also recalcitrant Democrats. It has been 
said that it operated as a check on those who had slavery 
designs at the time of the Constitutional Convention. 2 
It is interesting to compare the stand taken by Bush at 
this time with an earlier editorial in the Westfield 
Standard~ In the earlier paper he deplored the control 
1. Oregonian, June 30, 1855. 
2. o. H. Carey,~ cit., p. 503. 
3. Westfield .standard, .october.24, 1849. 
25 
exerted by oral voting. Later in the realignment of par-
ties at the time of the Civil War it was a source of embar-
rassment to Bush and the Democrats who wanted to vote for 
other party men. 
The Rogue Indian War became involved in the Know-
Nothing agitation. The Statesman had taken a sane and 
rather detached view about the danger from the Indians in 
tha.t region. 1 Dryer expressed great alarm over the peril 
to the settlers there and Bush ridiculed such hysteria. · 
He even went so far as to imply that the war v1as excited 
for tlie economic benefit of the southern part of the terri-
tor~. 2 This gave the Oregonian a chance to attack the Demo-
orats on unpatriotic grounds. When Curry hastily filled 
the offices in the volunteer army without any regard for 
Bush's suggestions, Bush protested vigorously, belittling 
the danger and insisting that there was no excuse for fil-
ling the positions so quickly. 
1. ·His expression "expedition to fight the emigrants" 
aroused ire. Statesman, July 7, 1855. 
2. J. VI. Drew to .Asahel Bush, November 16, 1855. "But 
you· must remember that the Vihigs and Know-Nothings in 
Jackson county incited this Indian war for political pur-
poses and for a speculation in wheat and cattle •.•• " 
26 
The "Salem Clique" went ~o far as to petition Gover-
nor Curry to remove Know-Nothings from office.1 Dryer and 
!dams had much to say about this. 2 Suffice it to say that 
Bush created many enemies for himself because of his stand 
on the Indian question. In 1858, when he wanted to be 
chosen printer again, he told Deady that he needed his help 
in the southern part of the territory and asked Deady to 
make speeches in his behalf. · He grew thoroughly disgusted 
with the whole issue before Wool was recalled~ 
The Indian wars also brought up the widely discussed 
subject of scrip. Dryer criticized the "Clique" for not 
making a strict account of the expenditures, and when the 
war was over the question of selling the war supplies came 
1. Territorial paper (filed at the Oregon Historical 
Library, Portland, Oregon) No. 6379. 
2. "An effort vms made to make party capital by these 
oraven hearted patriots and white livered warriors, who 
fight valiant battles around the stove in the office of 
the Oregon Statesman at Salem •••• The volunteers, the 
'party' and country can justly charge the failure to .the 
meddling, persecuting, dictating spirit of the 'Salem 
Clique,• and to the fact that Governor Curry permitted 
himself to be wheedled by the party knaves." Oregonian, 
February 23, 1856. 
"The croaking political scavengers who would see 
the country and its inhabitants sunk to infamy and degen-
eration, if thereby they could get a few official crumbs 
say there is no Indian war in Oregon." Oregonian, March 
29, 1856. 
27 
up. 1 Bush insisted that suppli_es should be sold for cash 
and Dryer said t hat scrip should be used. The editor of the 
Salem paper maintained that in the first place the goods had 
been purchased for scrip and that it would mean selling them 
for another receipt. This question of scrip was a source of 
great trouble to Oregon and played an important part in the 
admission of the state and in the rupture between certain 
Democrats and Lane. 
From the beginning of the territorial organization 
people desired to .elect all their own officers and to obta1n 
statehood. Sides were not consistently drawn as to the is-
sue of statehood. When the Whigs were in, the Democrats 
advocated statehood, but the Democrats did not. oppose all 
consideration of the matter when they had the political of-
fices. In March 12, 1853, Bush seemed ill disposed to the 
economic burden that statehood would entail, but by 1854 he 
advocated it for the improvements that it would bring and 
he said that the matter of expenses would not be so great 
with the increase of population. Some qf the Whigs 6pposed 
state organization because they thought it would make more 
offices for the Democrats. The question of calling a con-
stitutional convention was put to the people four times, 
the first three being unsuccessful. In 1854 the majority 
1. Oregonian, November 3, 1855. 
28 
against was 869; in 1855, 415; in 1856, 249, but in 1857 the 
vote was favorable by 6038 votes. 1 Two factors seemed to 
work for the change. In the earlier votes Southern Oregon 
was considering a union vri th northern California and in the 
later period the slave question ma.de many desire a state 
lest slavery be inflicted on the territory. 
Before we discuss the divisions which arose in Oregon 
at the time of the admission of the state we should mention 
the discord which had developed in the Democratic ranks-
discord which later expressed itself on the slavery question 
and the union, but which in 1857 was the result of local is-
sues. 
It is not surprising that there was discord within 
the ranks of the Democrats. Some objected to the iron-clad 
discipline imposed by the "Clique". Others were unable to 
satisfy their desire for office. In 1857 the break became 
so imminent that when the convention met in Salem in April, 
the "Clique" put through the famous fifth and sixth resolu-
tions which were to bind members of the Democratic party by 
the nominations of the convention or caucus. There had 
been dissatisfaction with Joseph Lane for some time and some 
already objected to his pro-slavery inclinations. The 
'Clique" had tried to suppress any feeling adverse to the 
1. R. C. Clark, op. cit., p. 424. 
29 
delegate, but correspondence shows that the "Old Statesmantt 
was not in any too high favor. 1 Those who refused to be 
bound by the selection of the party called themselves 
"National" Democrats, trying to give the impression that 
they still believed in the fundamental principles of the 
party, but objected to local organization of the "Hards". 
The "Softs" withdrew and nominated their own group, but the 
organization of the "Hards" or "Clig_ue11 was strong enough 
to win the election. Some of the rebels advocated a primary, 
t 
but Bush had much to say about fh.e impracticability of auoh 
an order of procedure, warning them to beware of bogus Demo-
era ts in primaries o_r mass m.eetings. 2 
The Statesman insisted that there was no difference 
between Oregon Democracy and National Democracy. The editor 
said that certain papers were talking about leaders of the 
Democrats in order to arouse jealousy. 3 The Demooratio par-
t y was founded on old established principles and he decried 
t he attempt to bring personalities into the party. Thia 
aort of thing he classified as "Man . Worship". "Let's have 
no Williama' party, no Smith -party, no Lane party. n4 
1. J. w. Drew to A:sahel Bush , September 19, 1855. Drew 
used the nickname for Lane. 
2. Statesman, February 24, 1857; May 12, 1857. 
3. Statesman, February 19, 1856. 
4. Statesman, June 30, 1857. 
00 
The Whigs, of course, were delighted with the out-
come. Dryer played up the charges made by Shuck, Olds, Al-
len, Short, Henderson et al. He said Bush had read out and 
expelled every man from the party who would not become "the 
hewer of wood, the drawer of water, the scavenger, scullion, 
and menial slave of the Statesman and 'Clique' ••.• Will the 
people longer submit to be gulled, duped, fooled and lashed 
into submission to the ordeals of the Salem Clique. 111 
"We recommend to the 'Salem democracy' , alias 
Salem dynasty, alias Salem junta, alias Salem 
inquisition, alias Salem conspirators, the man-
ufacturing of a large quantity of brass or iron 
collars and steel shackles to be indelibly en-
graved thus: 'This thing in the shape of man 
has surrendered to the 'Salem Clique' all the 
rights and privileges of manhood; has sold his 
birth right for the glorious privilege of wear-
ing this collar as an evidence and insignia that 
we the Salem democ~ats recognize him a good, re-
liable democrat.'" 
Dryer made much of the fact that he had been attack-
ing the "Clique" for the same charges now made by the Nati on-
al Democrats: "If the object of the Nationals is to cleanse 
the Augean stables •Of Oregon of its putrid party etc., we wel-
oome it. 113 
1. Oregonian, February 13, 1858. 
2. Oregonian, March 20, 1858. 
3. Oregonian, March 13, 1868. 
31 
By 1858, Dryer seemed to have shifted his position 
on the organization of parties considerably, for he insist-
ed that ther·e was a. need to organize a party upon some 
"tangible, permanent and correct doctrine, predicated sole-
ly and entirely on the ground that the people are soverign 
in all representative government and that office holders, 
office hunters andpolitioians are responsible to the masses 
of the peo.ple. nl This tied in with the agitation against 
Drew, the Oregonian insisting that as Quarterrmster of the 
volunteers he should account to the people for his expendi-
tures. 2 
During the years of the "Clique" supremacy, Dryer 
had been loud in his disapproval of Lane. He charged that 
he was always boasting how much he would do and how great 
his influence was in Washington, but the results spoke for 
themselves. Lane's personal interest came first. The 
Indian war debt had not been taken care of and the admia-
sion of the state had not been pushed. During these same 
ears Bush in his paper had upheld Lane, refuting with venom 
oharges ma.de by the Oregonian. In 1855 Bush supported Lane 
1. Oregonian, Maroh 13, 1858. 
2. Oregonian, February 14, 1867. "Mr. Bush of the States-
' n as is evidenced by this and a thousand other instances 
Of like oharacter assumes to direct and oontrol the party, 
w o posses according to his doctrine, unqualified ownership 
of the oountry and people." •••• ".According to Bush it ia 
nk heresy for one of the party to utter or express an 
inion in relation to men or measures different from those 
tared by the Statesman." 
32 
against o. C. Pratt when they were seeking the office of 
delegate to the United States' Congress. On June 9, 1855, 
Bush put Lane's name at the mast head of his paper as a 
future presidential candidate. But as time passed, he be-
oame weary of Lane's profession of sacrifice and toil for 
Oregon. 1 In 1857, Lane wrote a lretter deploring the dis-
oord in the Demooratio party. Then in order to have con-
trol of a press he put E. C. Hibben, a mulatto, as editor 
of the Oregon Weekly Times published at Portland. The ea-
trangement between Bush and Lane grew wider until in the 
convention of 1859 the Lane forces were open in their op-
position to the "Clique." Bush had charged Lane with the 
blame for Oregon's not being admitted to the Union. Too, 
it seems that Bush wanted the public printing (probably 
laws, treaties, etc. of 'the United States government) as 
is shown by a letter from Delazon Smith after he went to 
Washington as senator. 2 Bush thought Lane had not attend-
ed his interests as is shown in a letter from Bush to 
Deady: 
"Lane didn't get anything allowed me for 
that second volume of statutes. He says the 
Black Republican prevented him. Likely I 
reckon he thinks it best to keep that sus-
pended over my head to 'hold the wretch in 
1. Statesman, March 29, 1859. 
2. Delazon Smith to Asaliel Bush, February 2, 1869. 
order. Well, let it. 'Who's ~fraid?'"l 
it any rate Bush now turned on Lane in a series of damaging 
editorials. Dryer said that he had been saying the same 
things about Lane but in a milder manner. It is interesting 
to note that years later when the animosity had been forgot-
ten and Lane was running for state legislature, Bush came 
out in his behalf and even gave money toward his campaign 
!fund but the damage of early years kept Lane from carrying 
Douglas county. 2 
June 29, 1868, Lane had written Oregon that the bill 
of admission had passed the house and that the admission was 
1ssured. He advised the territory to go ahead with its or-
ganization as if adniitted. 3 Bush oounselled against this 
!ince he feared a situation similar to that in Kansas might 
ievelop. Lane blamed Bush for Congress' not admitting Ore-
~on, since he said that Bush wrote unfavorably about the 
opulation and had discouraged state organization. Various 
nterpretations have been placed upo11 Lane' a action in this 
ituatio-n. 4 . One is that he wished to bring discredit.upon 
1. Asahel Bush ·toM . .P. De-ad:V, October 11, 1856. 
2. Conversation with Asahel Bush, 1939. 
3. Statesman, March 29, 1869. 
4. H. H. Bancroft, .Q.E• cit., pp. 432, 433 (note). 
34 
the state in connect.on with his Pacific Republio venture. 
Another is that he ..-s.a anxious to have the territory become 
a state until he was sure of the presidential nomination. 
Even his desire for ~ouble mileage allowance has been given 
· as a reason. 
Naturally La.n5 had the federal political patronage 
under his control, 5.!:d according to Bush instituted proscri-p-
tion, removing men like Nesmith and Zieber from their posi-
tions. 
It was gallin? for the Salem Clique .to submit to 
this kind of treatr::.eLt and the members did not do so very 
gracefully. The edi~Jrials were of the bitterest sort. 
Since the Weekl Ti.!:$3 supported Lane, it came in for much 
abuse. 
The "Softs" l:.ai a real opportunity in the break be~ 
tween the Clique and :ane. 1 In the Democratic convention 
held in Salem, April 20, 1859, Lansing Stout, a man of for-· 
l. ~ [quotes Umes), February 5, 1859. _ "You· have 
no doubt, marked with regret the course the Statesman has 
seen fit to adopt in regard to our delegate and first sena-
tor, General Lane. SJme three years ago, the Standard was 
read out of the part7 for the 'wholesale traduotion of the 
Democrats' .•.• Where has its malediction been bestowe& for 
the last six months? Principally upon members of the party 
hich have warmed a"!:rl nourished a viper in its bosom only 
to be stung for its i~vors •... 11 
35 
er Know-Nothing inclinations, was nominated instead of 
~rover for congressman. Bush was upset and wrote bitterly 
and extensively on the situation. He did not praise Stout, 
as had been his wont with former Democratic nominees. In 
fact he ma.de certain concessions which might be interpreted 
overtures to the newly organized Republicans. .Al though 
voted for Stout, he did not particularly want him to win. 
However, local differences were aeon dwarfed by the 
issue of slavery. The Democratic leaders had tried 
to ~eep the question in the background. Above everything 
they wished to keep their organization intact and sought to 
void controversive questions. T. W. Davenport said, 
"The Statesman engaged in such personal parti-
san warfare with opposition papers devoted to the 
free state cause, thereby subordinating all other 
questions of a political nature, that its influ-
ence must have been to befog the voters in its 
own party." l 
It is hard to realize how vital the slavery question 
ecame in Oregon. Many of the immigrants had come from the 
southern part of America, and were not opposed to slayery; 
such an eminent man as Judge Deady was pro-slavery. Mr. 
Bush was by reputation free state but had no sympathy with 
abolition. In fact he maintained such a neutral position 
that 
"on account of its (statesman's) great cir-
culation and autocratic influence, its course 
1. T. W. Davenport, "Slavery Question in Oregon 11 , ~ egon 
Historical -Juarterly. IX (September, 1908), pp. 228, 2 9• 
du.ring these critical times gave great anxi-
ety to the radical opponents of slavery."l 
This half way position made it poss ible f or him to assume 
whatever policy seemed expedient. 
He supported Douglas' "popular sovereignty". To him 
it was in complete acc ord with the principle of independ-
ence and self-determination which he regarded as inherent 
American rights. As far as Oregon was concerned he did not 
see a.ny conflict between the doctrine and, the Dred Scott 
decision. But he refuted the charge that popular sover-
eignty was the same as black republicanism. Although he 
did not see any advantage to be gained by the introduction 
of slavery, he maintained "Oregon wants no outside inter-
ference. To send abolitionists would mean that Oregon would 
go for slavery."2 
When the break came in the Democratic ranks, it was 
assumed that the "Hards" were :f:ree-state men, but the "Hards" 
charged the "Softs" with black republicanism. There was 
much incongruity in the stand taken by each gr·oup, e. . g. the 
"Hards" endorsed the principle of popular sovereignty but 
Whiteaker, the nominee for governor wa.s pro-slavery. 3 • 
2. Statesman, August 2, 1859. 
3. Statesman, March 31, 1857. 
37 
Bush in his neutral position opened his paper to oor-
~espondents from both sides. Most writers agree that great 
Lnfluence was exerted by Judge Williams' "Free State Letter." 1 
)avenport says that it was just the thing that was needed at 
;his time-an argument not advanced for sentiment or moral 
~easons but an earnest, thoughtful communication by a man who 
ras free from any suspicion of having designs on the unity 
LDd political harmony of the Democratic party. 2 
The impractioabili ty of slavery from an economic point 
,f view seemed to carry much weight. J. W. :Mack and F. B. 
(artin presented the other side of the question. 3 
In 1858, the Statesman editor was up for reelection 
LS printer and did not press the issue of "popular sovereign-
;f' as advocated by Douglas in the Kansas question, but by 
.859 and 1860 he had returned to the support of Douglas. 
The position taken by the Oregon Republicans at this 
iime took a more conservative cast . Dryer and Logan accept-
id "popular sovereignty" and as has been pointed out by Wood-
1. Statesman, July 28, 1857. 
2. T. W. Davenport, op. cit., p. 238. 
3. W. C. Woodward, .Q.£!_ cit., p. 113. 
38 
ward there was little difference between the stand taken by 
Douglas Democrats and Oregon Republicans. 1 
However, in April, 1859, Bush warned the Democrats of 
Oregon to be vigilant because the Republicans in Congress had 
voted for Oregon's admission vdth the idea of Oregon's join-
ing their ranks. 
When Delazon Smith's term as United States senator had 
expired, the legislature could not agree on his reelection or 
the choice of a successor. 
That slavery was an issue in Oregon is shown very 
clearly by the vote at the time of the adoption of the Con-
stitution. The convention was composed of men of such dif-
ferent attitudes that they attempted to steer clear of that 
issue. The constitution was submitted to the people and the 
vote was 7,195 for and 3,215 against; against slavery the 
vote was 5,082 and against free negroes 7,659. Various his-
torians have pointed out the anomaly that -existed-slavery 
was voted down, free negroes were severly objected to, and 
the governor chosen was a pro-slavery man as were the two 
senators. Congress faced an interesting situation. 
Although the rupture in the Democratic party still 
had personal elements, the larger issue served to draw the 
lines more clearly. The legislature of 1868 which had 
1. Woodward, .Q.E• cit., p. 159. 
39 
elected Lane and Smith had been pro-slavery, but when the 
time for the election of 1860 arrived, the situation had 
ohanged. 
Since the pro-slavery Democrats had repudiated "pop-
ular sovereignty" the Republicans could afford to stress the 
doctrine of non-intervention. The man that was brought from 
California as their nominee for senator-Colonel E. D. Baker 
had full sympathy with the Douglas position. 1 Coupled 
with this fact was his ability as a politician. When the 
Democrats continued to war among themselves, he entered in-
to a bargain With the anti-Lane forces so that the final re-
sult was the choice of Nesmith, anti-Lane Democrat and Baker, 
Republican,as United States senators. 
The national Democratic party was split into two fac-
tions and two nominees were put before the people-Douglas 
and Breckinridge. Bush had always been sympathetic with 
ouglas, although in 1858 he had been rather silent on the 
subject. In the ensuing campaign he attacked both Republi-
cans and "Yanoeyites," who he charged were both bent on 
destroying the union by their radical doctrines. 
Much to his disappointment Douglas was defeated, but 
hen the question of standing by the Union arose, Bush did 
ot hesitate a moment. · He joined forces with the so-called 
1. W. c. Woodward, .QP.• cit., p. 184. 
40 
Union party-a group composed of Republicans and the Doug-
las Democrats. He was cautious in his support of this 
group because he felt that the union was for expediency. 
He hesitated to have a regular party organization develop 
and urged the Douglas Democrats to maintain their identity. 1 
His attitude toward Lincoln was free from any politi-
cal rancor. He believed he was too good natured and easy 
going, criticizing his willingness to give different people 
a chance to try their ideas: 
"The irreparable evils of the radicals' 
clamor and the President's easy vacillating 
nature are nowhere more apparent than in 
the never ending changes in the command of 
the army •... Thus his good nature rather 
than his judgment has been the constant dupe 
of designing knaves and fools, political 
stock jobbers, senseless theorists and addle 
brained philanthropists, each of whom has in 
turn promised to break the back of the re-
bellion." 2 
He admitted that Lincoln seemed an honest man and 
sincere patriot, but that nobody pretended he was a great 
man. On October 21, 1861, he paid Lincoln this tribute: 
"Mr. Lincoln alone of the great actors 
in this drama is without any incentive to 
ordinary ambition. The force of the party 
has thrust upon him some very bad and in-
efficient men in important places." 
1. Statesman, June 24, 1861. "When this contest, be it 
long or short, is closed, the men who have trained under the 
great political oaptain (Douglas) will find themselves the 
nucleus of a radical party, opposed to the federal element 
grown strong in the centralising work of crushing out rebel-
lion." 
2. Statesman, September 29, 18ti2. 
41 
Like many other Americans he had great admiration for 
McClellan. In his letters and later in editorials he blamed 
Lincoln and his advisers for their interference in army ao-
tivi ties. In fact, he attached the adjective "Napoleonic" 
to the ill-fated ge~eral. 1 . His attack on the rebels was 
devastating, showing absolutely no mercy toward any one 
who did not sympathize with the Union. Treason, by the law, 
consigns its perpetrator to death. It is the business of 
the officers of the law to see that its provisions are exe-
outed. 2 
By 1863 Bush had given up his interest in the States-
~ and with that ended his connection with state printing. 
In 1862 he was nominally out since Harvey Gordon ran as 
state printer, but with the death of Mr. Gordon, Bush car-
ried on until the Republican candidate, Pittock, was elect-
ed in 1864. In the national ele.otio:i1c:of that year he cam-
paigned for McClellan against Lincoln. 
Aa soon as Bush severed his ties with the newspaper 
his political career is difficult to follow. Unlike Deady 
aid .Williama, he returned to the Democratic ranks and played 
a prominent, if less evident role, than in the days of the 
Salem Clique. He was a member of the national Democratic 
l. Statesman; September 29, 1862. 
2. Statesman, June 30, 1862. 
42 
onvention in 1884 that nominated Cleveland as presidential 
andidate, and in 1888 was chairman of the central Democrat-
c committee for Oregon. 1 Cleveland offered him the post 
of a secretary of the treasury, this offer speaking well 
or his financial ability and his standing in the Democratic 
arty, but in accord with his desire to keep out of the 
limelight he did not accept the cabinet post. 
He continued to take an interest in the political 
questions of the day as is seen in conning his oorrespond-
enoe; much was written about Johnson, Hayes, Grant, Arthur, 
et al. 
1. H. R. Kincaid, Political aud Official History and 
tegiater of Oregon, (Biographical Appendix of the Secre-
ary of the State's Report, 1897), p. 208. 
CH.I\.PfiJR I I I 
EDITOR OF THE STATESMAN 
Much has been said about the Oregon s~yle of journal-
ism-that style which was personal, invective, and vindictive 
to a degree unknown today. That it was truly an Oregon 
product as far as Bush was concerned can be proved quite 
conclusively by comparing his Statesman style with that of 
the Westfield Standard. 1 In the latter there is little or 
none of the personal abuse that was so much a part of the 
style of the Statesman. In a prefatory statement made by 
him in the eastern paper he stated his aims which are inter-
1. Westfield Standard, January 24, 1849. "Wholly unac-
customed to the conduct of a public journal we enter with 
diffidence upon the performance of difficult duties; and 
did not custom seem to require it, should make no promises 
for the future, till experience had tested our ability to 
redeem them ..•. But while we shall resolutely and stead-
fastly advocate and defend our ovm opinions, we shall en-
deavor to observe courteous end respectful demeanor towards 
those who may chance to·: differ with us; · awarding to all the 
same freedom of thought and opinions that we claim for our-
selves, and oombatting rather measures than men •••• Inde-
»endent of the political character of the Standard, the un-
4eraigned will aim to make it an agreeable Family Newspaper, 
and so far as possible a vehicle of late and oorreot general 
and looal intelligence." 
44 
sting in the light of what he had to say about soft lan-
age in Oregon and about a local paper. 1 
It is interesting to note that not only to us does 
he style employed in Oregon seem abusive and scurrilous, 
ut also to contemporary California and eastern papers. 2 
ach issue indulged in the same sort of vituperative lan-
.guage. Expressions v1hich today would involve a man in a 
ibel suit evoked a similar retaliation. 
1. s·tatesma.n, January 10, 1860. "So long as newspapers 
e only classic ~nglish, the public have no right to oom-
lain at any development of rottenness among candidates who 
aspire to serve them." 
2. ~Francisco~ as quoted in the Argus, June 19, 
868. "Instead of current news, opinions of leading topics 
or well selected items of useful information, the whole 
sheet is occupied with political discussions of no prao-
tioable importance, and the most violent tirades of vitu-
peration and abuse. Column after column and page after 
age is crammed with fulsome panegyrics on one set of po-
litical opponents and bitter denunciations of another. 
Picking up an organ of one politic al :faction, we find terms 
strung together like the following when speaking of an op-
ponent to some petty office in the Territory: 'Benedict 
irnold, Judas Iscariot snd the devil', Blue light Federa-
list , British Tory, and cut-t~roat Tory, Black leg de-
bauchee, lying scoundrel, and sneaking hypocrite. We ' 
ght fill our entire paper with like expressions gleaned 
fr om the same source, but this vdll suffice to give the 
reader some idea of the Oregon style of literature. 
Now what these blackening fellows say about each 
othe r is probably mostly true; yet that is no reason why 
they should disgust the public with this species of inde-
oent exposure and what renders the billingsgate the more 
intolerable is that these men are not contending about any 
princ iple of measure of any importance but simply for their 
feea and spoils of office, or some trifling matter about 
Which the public are equally indifferent." 
45 
The editor of the Statesman never let anyone outdo 
bim in these personal attacks. His wit was incisive and 
bitter, and he did not hesitate to vilify his opponents.1 
some of these men who came in for these attacks were Dryer, 
of the Oregonian, Adams of the Argus, Leland of the Standard. 
Hall of the Occidental Messenger, and Delazon Smith, who 
i ncurred his disfavor in 1859. 
Compared with the attacks returned by these men, Bush 
s eems no worse. Perhaps his wit was a little keener and a 
shaft of a couple lines or a word or two sometimes equalled 
of the others. Epithets were hurled back 
Bush often refused to pursue an argument, but 
use ridicule or catch phrases to such an advan-
t age as to becloud the matter under consideration. 
"The editor of the Statesman never wasted ink 
in refuting the Oregonian's editorials. There 
was sufficient satisfaction in referring to them 
as cogitations of 1 Toddy Jep' a name the initials 
of which he could not disavow and the meaning of 
1. Statesman, June 22, 1862. "The Oregonian is t 'he mcst 
varying liar we ever met.n 
2. Bush was a "pensioned hireling", "Bush-eye", 11 bush" 
(wi thout the capital), "editor of Czapkay's Organ" and even 
"Asa of Hell." Dryer was the "Sewer man" and "Toddy Jep". 
Hall was "Avery's ox. 11 .Adams was "Parson Billy of the Air-
goose". Waterman was 11 Peter". Leland was "Joshua" or "Al-
gerine Alonzo" (the latter was derived from the editor's 
act ivities in the east at the time of the Dorr Rebellion). 
46 
which he would not discuss-. nl 
The newspapers of this period are replete with tren-
chant attacks, but the height of this sort of writing is 
found in Vox Populi, a paper published in Salem at the time 
2 
of the capital controversy in 1851-1852. The melodrama by 
Breakspear, nTreasons, Stratagems and Spoils" was put out to 
attack the "Clique". Assumed names vrnre given the aotors 
appearing in the play, but the interesting thing is tret 
many of these stuck in later years. Unless one knov1s to 
whom these refer, there is muoh confusion in reading corre,... --
spondence and territorial newspapers. "Chick" is used for 
Bu-sh, "Ned" for Deady, "Peter" for Watermani3 A term like 
"basaltio" was used for years by the members of the Clique. 
1. T. W. Davenport, "Slavery Question in o·regon", Oregon 
Historical Quarterly. IX (September 1908), p. 244. 
2. (a) Copies of ~ Populi are in the Oregon Histo~ical 
Society's Library, Portland, and Mr. A. N. Bush has copies-
in his collection. (b) Oswald West says that in later years 
Mr. Bush would. not commit himself as. to the authorship of 
this scurrilous sheet, .Q.E.• cit. : 
(o) Drew to Bush, May 7, 1855, '~aines tells our people that I 
was a good Whig up to the close of the Salem legislature at 
Salem in 1851-1852. · I did not know before that the Vox Populi -
was edited by Whigs. It will be news to you." --
3. At the time, the Democrats bought up as many copies of 
the work of W. L. Adams as they could so as to prevent its 
oirculation. In later years when the old animosity was for-
gotten~ Adams bought up old copies. 
47 
This word was used by one of the legislative members who re-
fused to join those who met in Salem. 
As early as 1876 the Oregonian looked back on the 
3ournalism of the fifties as immature, speaking of it as 
crude and primitive and from the typographical appearance 
far from pleasing. 1 The set up was very monotonous, since 
no satisfactory system of news gettinghad developed, and no 
photographs were available. The style of the Statesman 
compared favorably with contemporary papers. 2 The type,of 
oourse, is very hard on the eyes when compared with what we 
have today. Bush took an interest in the appearance of his 
paper by purchasing new equipment. Considering the amount 
of work he had to do and difficulty in obtaining help dur~ 
ing the gold rush fever, one is impressed with the composi-
tion of some of his articles. It is said that he set up 
many of his saucy, succint editorials and epigrams without 
oopy. 3 
1. Oregonian, March 29, 1876. 
2. H. H. Bancroft, History of Pacific States of North Amer-
.America, (San··Franciiaoo: The History Company, · 1s88) p. 147. 
"As a party paper it was conducted vdth greater ability than 
any journal on the Pacific coast for a period of about a doz-
en years." 
3. C.H. Carey, History of Oregon, II (Chicago: The Pi-
oneer Historical Publishing Company, 1922), p. 61. 
48 
If the style of the Statesman is con.sidered apart 
from abuse and political tirades that characterized it, 
Bush's ability as a writer makes him compare favorably with 
any other editor in America. He believed in the efficacy 
of repetition but he also stressed the importance of being 
brief, if one wished to be read. He took pride in expres-
sing himself well, and in later years when he felt himself 
too long removed from such activities, refused to write a 
sketch of Deady. 1 
The advertisements of the early papers are interest-
ing as well as amusing. Bush refused to solicit them and 
was not dependent upon them as some of his opponents charg-
ed. 2 He realized their importance and once stated, ".Adver-
tising is often much more interesting than editorials.~3 
The heads used for these show the political interest of the 
people . .An announcement of mercantile goods might carry an 
inscription "Free State Men", or another might read_ "Court 
of Common Pleas." One notice that the Statesman carried 
oame in for ridicule in the Argus. 4 A Czapkay' a medfoine # 
1. Asahel Bush to M. P. Deady, June 28, 1889. 
2. Spectator, June 12, 1856: "The Statesman doesn't in-
spire enough confidence for ads." 
3. 8.tate$man, Marqh-18; 1860. 
1
4. Argus, _..  Ju_i:;ie 28, 1856; and Ja.nuary 29, 1859. 
49 
claimed all sorts of wonderful properties, as a result of 
which the Statesman was dubbed "Czapkay's Organ" and every 
one knew what paper was meant. 
The Statesman prided itself on being more than a 
local paper. Bush was forced to make such claim because 
his paper followed the seat of government from Oregon City 
to Salem to Corvallis and back to Salem. When he ·returned 
to Salem after his brief sojourn in Corvallis, he stated, 
"Vie have never published a local paper, an 
Oregon City, Salem, or Corvallis paper, and 
never expect to. The Statesman has been pre-
eminently an 0regon journal and will continue 
to be such." 1 . 
A reading of the Statesman files from 1851-1863 shows 
that Bush lived up rather well to the tenets set forth in 
the first issue, March 28, 1851. 2 Some of these guiding 
principles were as follows: to uphold the interests and 
prosperity of the territory, . to be democratic in politics, 
to preserve the integrity of the Democratic party, to be 
fo r universal toleration in religion, and to advocate truth, 
temperance, etc. The editor after completing the tehth 
volume said: 
"From its first issue to the present, for 
ten years.it has never failed to -appear on 
l. Statesman, December· 18, 1855. 
2. Statesman, March 28, 1861. 
50 
the regular day of publication. It has never 
tied itself to the personal fortunes of any 
candidate, but has always sought to earn a 
generous support by a bold, outspoken main-
tenance of such measures as the country de-
mands. How well it .has succeeded in this pur-
pose the patronage the public have seen fit 
to bestow on it may answer. 
It has denounced all manner of humbug 
speculations and all rotten candidates for of-
fice, and has unveiled pretension, hypocrisy, 
and personal puffery whenever they have been 
thrust upon the public. In retaliation we are 
opposed with a bitterness unknown in the his-
tory of newspapers here and perhaps anywhere 
else. nl 
Although the editorial page has reflected so much 
of personal animus, much can be gleaned from it concerning 
the attitude of the editor on the social, religious, eco--
nomic and ethical questions of the day,. 
The editor of the Statesman was a decided believer 
in the superiority of the white race. Any agreement shown 
with General Wool in his criticism of the whites in their 
txeatment of the Indians did not rise from any particular 
fondness for the red man. 
He cqncurred with the opinion expressed by Jo¥ Mont-
gomery, Indian agent in St. Louis, when he said that he had 
little sympathy with Indian missionary activities. 2 He ccn-
sidered any attempts to civilize them highly unsuccessful. 
1. Statesman, March 11, 1860. 
2. Statesman, October 14, 1856, and May 26, 1867. 
51 
In fact he thought the Indians little better than animals, 
expressing his belief in the futility of making treaties 
and contracts with them. This is shown by the following 
editorial written during the period of treaty making in the 
fifties: 
"The truth is that Indian treaties and 
the acknowledgment of Indian title to any por-
tion of the soil are down right unmitigated 
humbug. They are calculated to give the In-
dians too great an idea of their own import-
ance and in fact, their effect is to raise the 
degraded and bestial savages at least in their 
own estimation to a political equality with the 
whites .•.• Justice and humanity require that 
some care should be extended by our government 
over the Indians, who in the very nature of 
things are compelled to give way to the 
'manifest destiny' of a superior race, eto ••.• 111 
The faot that he hailed from Massachusetts did not 
make him sympathize with abolitionists. From the first he 
had no love for negroes and criticized abolitionists as 
"nigger-loving dames" or "old grannies' He opened his pa-
per to both sides of the question, but we shall see when we 
consider the political situation of the time that he did 
this for expediency. His support of Lincoln came .because 
his love of the Union would not let him follow those who 
went against it. He broke with the president when he could 
not follow his emancipation plan. In 1857 he wrote: 
"We believe that the African whatever his 
l. Statesman, November 23, 1868. 
52 
nominal condition,is destined to be the ser-
vant and subordinate of the superior white 
race, and that it is best for both races that 
that servitude and Stibordination should be 
regulated by law. And we believe, also, that 
the wisdom of man has not yet devised a system 
under which the negro is as well off as he is 
under that of .American slavery." 1
This attitude which he frequently expressed brought 
forth much bitter criticism from the anti-slavery forces. 2 
Not long after the Civil War broke out, Asahel Bush 
we11t east and wrote to the Statesman from various points 
along the way. He visited Oberlin College where he was 
thoroughly disgusted with the pro-negro feelings. His im-
pressions were as follows: 
"On the v1hole I found Oberlin quite up to 
its unenviable reputation for practical negro 
e~uality and more degerving its odorous name 
than I had thought." 
As the time for the emancipation drew near the States-
~ made clear Bush's stand on freeing the negro: 
"Bush is what he has been at the start-in 
favor of maintaining the Government .at every 
hazard to the last extremity. He wouldn't de-
stroy the gover~ment ei~her to enslave or 
liberate niggers; he believes it to be a govern-
ment of white man, and if the liberties of that 
race can be preserved, he regards it of compara-
tively little consequence what fate betides the 
1. Statesman, August 4, 1857. 
2. ~' June 20, 1857. Adams offered to make "Chiok" 
a slave since he thought slaves were well cared for. 
3. Statesman, October 28, 1861. 
53 
nigger. It [Statesmar] will not give in i ta 
adhesion to a.ny scheme that looks to the liber-
ation of the slaves as the principal eud to be 
attained and makes the preservation of the Union, 
if considered at all, a secondary consideration. 
We are for the Union first and union only. He 
who is not on our platform, had better examine 
his heart and see if he fs not either. a pro-nigger 
or anti nigger traitor." 
When many years had passed by, Bush still showed that 
he had not changed his mind about the negroes. In 1889 he 
had a lengthy correspondence with Deady about the propriety 
of the term ''Rebellion" and "Civil Wa~ Bush refusing to have 
his name used with the term rebellion. At the time he re-
viewed his opinion of Stephen A. Douglas and reiterated his 
belief in the inadvisability of the emancipation. 2 
He viewed with approval the attempts in the state to 
discriminate against the Chinese4 In his correspondence he 
admitted a personal distrust of them. 3 
1. Statesman, December 8, 1862. 
2. Asahel Bush to M. P. Deady, April 29, 1889. "I never 
sympathized with the negro question in any form. I had no 
reason to expect that Lincoln would omit any opportunity of-
fered by the war to strike at slavery, but when the trend 
in that direction towards giving him the ballot was manifest, 
my ardor cooled. I considered then and now that act was a 
orime against civilization and I have no quarrel with any 
act of the southern people to prevent the domination to their 
politics by that vote. I do not think the negro should be 
admitted to the suffrage north or south. If the white people 
can not properly govern without the assistance of the negro 
they had better abdicate and let the negro try it." 
3. Ibid., July 7, 1866. 
54 
Although he showed this extreme racial prejudice and 
a belief in the "white man's des tiny", he did not view vii th 
approval any attempt to foster distrust of the so-called 
foreign groups in our country. He criticized Dryer for his 
anti-Jewish feelings. 1 Perhaps this was due to the fact 
that he was playing for political votes; yet his attitude 
here seems consistent. He attacked the same editor for 
casting aspersions on the German-born element in Oregon by 
saying, 
"This merry making over the inability of 
adopted citizens to speak plainly our lan-
guage is worthy of a .Know-Nothing sheet." 2 
Bush's family were Universalists, a sect which seems 
t o have been rather liberal. 3 He himself, did not advocate 
any one denomination, but evidently leaned toward the Uni-
t arian faith inasmuch as his funeral service was conducted 
by the Rev. Charles Eliot, well-known minister of the Church 
of Our Father, Unitarian, in Portland. 
Throughout his editorial career he showed tolerance 
t oward all sects. This is evident in his stand on the Know-
Nothing agitation in 1854-1856 and in his attitude toward 
the Mormons. He denounced those .who heckled a Mormon meet-
1. Statesman, October 5, 1858. 
2. Statesman, March 9, 1858. 
3. Joseph Gaston, .Q.E.• cit., p. 267. 
55 
ing, 
"If any prefer not to hear them, they have 
but to remain away. Religious toleration il 
a marked feature of our free institutions. 11 
In 1865 he visited Salt Lake and was greatly impres-
sed by the industry of the Mormons. He indicated in a let-
ter to Deady that he liked the Mormon plan of collecting 
all of their members together and expressed his wish that 
the Methodists might be herded together instead of scatter-
ing all over the earth "troubling ·other people. 112 
On various occasions Bush expressed his belief in 
the desirability of complete separation of spiritual and 
temporal affairs. In 1859 he objected strenuously to the 
governor's proclamation for a day of Thanksgiving. 
''We believe that the appointment of days 
of public thanksgiving as festivities of a pure-
ly religious character, by the secular authorities 
is a custom for the continuance of which there 
exists no good reason. The office of the execu-
tive is purely temporal and has and should have 
no connection with religious affairs. If there 
is a need of setting apart of stated times for 
grateful remembrance of a protecting and assist-
ing Providence, let the ecclesiastical offic~rs 
designate the times and occasions. 11 3 
Lest this be considered prompted by hostility toward 
Governor Whiteaker the reader may note that he had expressed 
1. Statesman, July 28, 1857. 
2. Asahel Bush to M. P. Deady, September 29, 1865. 
3. Statesman, December 27, 1869. 
56 
1 
a similar sentiment in his Massachusetts paper in 1849.
A similar attitude as to the separation between state 
and religion was shown when he criticized an attack made on 
a candidate for office because of his lack of religious 
faith. 2 
Clerical politicians were an anathema to him. 3 On 
several occasions he lashed out with invective agai~st med-
dling clergymen, charging that "clerical opposition has us-
ually been on the unpatriotic side. 11 4 
A lively duel ensued between Bush and the Reverend 
Mr. Pearne of the Pacific Christian Advocate. The latter 
i nsisted that the Constitution forbade the paying of money 
from the treasury to those who invoked a blessing in the 
l egislature, asylum, or the penitentiary. The Statesman 
editor retorted: 
"If there can be no praying without paying, 
and the members think it important to have it, 
let them pay for it •... We hope and believe 
that while the human race shall need them, such 
men will be found without depending upon pen-
1. Westfield Standard, November 28, 1849. 
2. Statesman, June 16, 1857. "When a man, competent and 
worthy, is opposed on account of his belief upon the subject 
of religion, we hope it will ever be with the same successes 
as in Mr. Robbins' case (who was elected although charged 
wi th being an atheist)." 
3. Statesman, June 23, 1857. 
4. Statesman, September 23, 1856. 
57 
sioned hirelings (a term, by the way, often ap-
plied by the opposition to Bush) of the state 
who would fain peddle prayer with as much of 
an eye to the main chance as old Isaac of York." 1 
Continuing discussion about state chaplains he said, 
"As to the Lunatic Asylum we do not see how 
they are to suffer much by the loss." 
When Bush was Superintendent of the Penitentiary, 
prisoners complained that.they were deprived of the consola-
tion of religion. His reply to this charge gives a good in-
sight to the humor of the man. In the Oregonian an inter-
view was written about Bush's view on the matter. He in-
sisted that the complaint was a reflection on the preaching 
of Rev. J. L. Parrish, who it seems preached vividly of the 
"wrath to come". 
"If that don't constitute the consolation 
of religion I fail to understand the meaning 
and that is the only kind suited to those fel-
lows. The modern soft-handed style would not 
take effect on them. Even with the vigorous 
sort I doubt if the crop of saints will be 
found very large. Father Deilman has been in-
vited to hold occasional servicesA but he don't 
seem to have faith in the field."G 
Seriously, though, his religion seemed a very· prac-
tical code of doing good to those who needed it. Once he 
said half facetiously that "The staple prayer I was bred 
on ran 'be a father to the fatherless and the widow's God'". 3 
1. Statesman, September 8, 1857. 
2. Oregonian, August 8, 1879. 
3. Aaahel Bush to M. P. Deady, February 10, 1867. 
58 
Few were able to estimate the .good that he did for numerous 
individuals as we shall see when we mention a few of the 
tributes paid him at the time of his death. 
When he was in the East in 1861, he visited the 
church of Henry Ward Beecher. His comments on the famous 
preacher are interesting. He expressed disappointment in 
him by saying, 
" •..• That he is an able man none can gainsay; 
but he has an accent and air of court heighten-
ed by long soap-locks pushed behind his ears, 
unworthy of his mind and fame. He seems to me 
to affect the ton1, manner and appearance of an old time parson." 
As he grew older, he e_xpressed no assurance of a be-
lief in personal immortality. In 1871 he wrote: 
" ••.• I notice how swiftly time flies .••• Does 
it seem to pass more quickly as we grow older? 
If so, what is left to you and I will seem 
scant enough when we come to near its end and 
look back upon it. Man's life should have been 
a thousand years. As it is he is not prepared 
to live before he is fated to die. The con-
templation of the end is not ple&sant. I hope 
it will be less distasteful as we approach it." 2 
It is interesting to add that he lived some forty ye~rs af-
ter this utterance and reiterated his belief many times. 
The Temperance question became an issue in Oregon in 
the fifties. The Maine law was discussed throughout the 
1. Statesman, July 8, 1861. 
2. Asahel Bush to M. P. Deady, May 5, 1871. 
59 
_United States and Oregon reflected the same interest. Bush 
took a firm stand against Prohibition, partly from convic-
tion but more from political reasons. 1 The Whigs seemed to 
espouse the idea, as Woodward says: 
"The Whigs worked hand in glove with the 
Maine law association. Both saw in Oregon 
democracy the re rsonifica tion of evil and in 
Asahel Bush the Mephistophelian marshall of 
that host. Bush disliked prohibitionists. 
He disliked Whigs. He detested the alliance 
of the two. He could find only evil in any 
man, party or issue that would draw votes from 
his Democratic machine. 11 2 
Since the editor of · the Argus, ":Parson Billy Adams" 
and Dryer, "Toddy Jep", embraced the prohibition movement, 
Bush was certain to oppose it. He did this by ridicule and 
argument. 3 He did not think that the prohibition law could 
be enforced in the sparsely settled territory, and cited 
i nstances of the difficulty in the eastern states. Then, 
t oo, he did not believe that evil could be abolished by 
l egislation. To him a rigidly enforced licensing seemed more 
practical. The editor of the Argus made much of this reason-
1. Conversation with Mr. Bush, 1939. Bush was moderate 
i n his use of liquors. B. F. Hardingbnoe said within the 
presence of A. N. Bush that he had ne~er seen Mr. Bush in-
t oxicated. 
2. W. C. Woodward, .Q.E.• cit., pp. 63, 64. Quoted by J.E. 
Caswell, "The :Prohibition Question in Oregon", Oregon Hi~tor-
ioal Quarterly, XXXIX (September 1938), p. 246. 
3. Statesman, May 2, 1854, and December 6, 1853. 
60 
ing and tried to connect him with other forms of licensed 
vice. 1 Bush refuted his charges but the attack seemed to 
fit in well with the attack on the advertisement that Bush 
oarried for a certain patent medicine. For many issues 
.Adams dwelt on the matter of the "Czapkay" advertisement. 
Considering the period in which he lived1 we would 
not charge the editor with ultra-conservatism toward women. 
In 1858 a woman named Ada M. Weed came to Salem to lecture 
on women's rights. 2 Although Bush made a point of reporting 
some of her ideas, he refused to give her publicity by a 
lengthy tirade against her. He believed the true sphere of 
the women was in the home but he counselled a moderate at-
titude. 3 When the matter came under discussion about the 
exemption of a wife's share of the donation claim, he upheld 
the law which saved her share from being seized for debts in-
ourred by the husband. 
As a journalist>and later as superintendent of the 
superintendent ....of the penitentiary> he expre"ss ed a desire for JJ 
I\ 
speedy and effective justice. 4 He believed in prisoners be-
1. ~. June 20, 1857. 
2. Statesman, November 30, 1858. 
3. Statesman, November 9, 1858. 
4. Statesman, November 24, 1857. 
61 
ing put to work and he was a fi~m believer in capital pun-
ishment, not only for capital crimes but for the repetition 
of crime after several pardons or paroles. 1 He took a de-
oided stand against the policy of bBDging a criminal in pub-
lic. 
When he was superintendent of the penitentiary, he 
maintained strict discipline and was criticized for his 
bestowal of merit points. It seems that points were award-
ed for good behavior, but Bush differed from the previous 
administration as to the interpretation of the word"gooi~ 
He said that ordinary good behavior was the expected type 
in a prison, and to win merit points prisoners would have to 
do something of an extraordinary nature. He didn't think 
that the prison should be a very comfortable place and order-
ed the plainest kind of food. When he was asked about this, 
he said that they had plenty of plain food but he didn't be-
lieve that any of them would suffer from gout. 2 
He looked with alarm on what he considered the increase 
of crime and offered the suggestion . that the whipping post 
might be introduced into Oregon and that the death penalty 
should be extended. 3 Despite his adamant attitude toward 
1. Statesman, December 29, 1857. 
2. Oregonian, August 8, 1879. 
3. Oregonian, august 18, 1879. 
62 
oonfirmed criminals, he evinoed a sympathetic attitude to-
ward first offenders and toward those who had dependents. 1 
Like the "proverbial . Yankee", Bush too·k a very prac-
tical view in the matter of economic development. Time af-
ter time through the columns of the Statesman he urged the 
importance of a sane development of Oregon's resour9es. He 
pointed out the fool hardiness of leaving a well-establish-
ed business for the mines. Much of the time his admonition 
went unheeded. At the time of the Frazier gold strike in 
1858, he advised 
"Keep cool, you couldn't mine now if you 
were there and had better stay at home and 
attend to your business if you have any. If 
the mines are rich and wide spread it will 
be ample time to go when those facts are es-
tablished. If they are pretty much of a hum-
bug as we incline to believe, you vlill have 
saved morals {for in that case ·you will swear 
some), money, and moccasins by remaining at 
home. 112 
When he was accused in 1862 of creating erroneous 
impressions about the mines, he insisted that a tremenduous 
system of humbug was practised to draw people in that re-
gion for the benefit of private speculation. 
"That very considerable sums have been and 
are flowing out of the mines, we have no rea-
son to doubt, but considering the number of 
people engaged in digging it, the sums are 
1. Asahel Bush to M. P. Deady, July 31, 1882. (Letter 
about Jo Osborne's boyJ 
2. Statesman, July 20, 1858. 
63 
not large to each individual."1 
For failing to overpraise Oregon's resources he was 
severely criticized. 2 He did not deny that Oregon had much 
rain and the winters were often disagreeable, but on the 
other hand he pointed out the possibilities for farming and 
for the development of a great industry from timber. 3 
Oregon seemed unproductive to him and he insisted 
that the most natural mode of production was labor. As late 
as 1869 in an editorial "Verbum Sapientibus" he dealt with 
the number of consumers ·as compared with producers. He felt 
that there were too many professions for the population and 
"except for those engaged in mechanical and laborious pur-
suits the number of peo~le employed is greatly disproportion-
ate to the population. 114 He said that a good vegetable gar-
den was a rarity. Farmers seemed to be wanting in management 
and were more interested in chimerical ideas, hoping to get 
rich within a very short time. During the hard times he did 
not hesitate to say that the Oregonians were improvident. -5 
1. Statesman, September 15, 1862. 
2. Statesman, September 18, 1862. 
3. Statesman, March 19, 1863. 
4. Statesman, November 11, 1869. 
6. Statesman, .4..ugust 16, 1869. 
64 
Even before he became the well-known banker he advo-
cated a sound currency. He deplored the green back currency 
of the Civil War and expressed himself very vehemently along 
these lines. In his editorials he insisted that the new 
currency should not be legal tender for debts contracted be-
fore the war. When people in Oregon attempted to pay for 
the Statesman with green backs (shin plasters as he called 
them) he said: 
"We have thus far uncomplainingly taken pay-
ment of dues to this office legal tender notes 
at par ...• We cannot pay out a bill for more 
than its market value-at present ninety cents 
on the dollar. Yi§. tlll rutl. ask our workmen to 
take them for more than they can use them for. 111 
He did not consider the issuance of these notes as 
a necessity of war. They disarranged the currency and would 
bring financial dis~ress and ruin according to his ideas. 
When Matthew P. Deady borrowed a thousand dollars 
from Bush during the period of the greenback currency, Bush 
asked Deady to insert a coin clause in the note. This was 
probably done to make Deady a little more aware of ~he •un-
desirability of green backs since he did not seem so per-
turbed as Bush. 2 
1. Statesman, December 15, 1862• 
2. Asahel Bush to M. P. Deady, April 16, 1863. "The 
only reason why I wanted coin expressed was that in case 
you should be called to Abraham's bosom ..•• It is all 
right; however you will not die before payment unless you 
die before you are prepared." 
65 
The same belief in sound money prevailed in the late 
nineties. He and Pennoyer had many a round on this subjeot. 1 
Bush did not believe in saddling a community or state 
with debts. He took a stand against the incorporation of 
Salem because ~e felt it would make possible unwise expendi-
tures. 2 His paper was friendly to the Agricultural Society 
(which became the State Fair) but when they wanted special 
appropriations he openly opposed it, maintaining that if 
special appropriations were made 11 our Treasury would never 
again have occasion to report a bala.nce. 113 
He cherished a regard for orderly government and re-
buked Dryer for his suggestion of establishing a vigilance 
oommittee. 4 When Isaac Stevens declared martial law in his 
struggle with the Indian problem, Bush in the editorial page 
declared that Steven's offense was t~eated too lightly.5 
He warned Washington Territory to guard its liberties. That 
brings up an interesting sidelight that is not mentioned 
very often and that is that Bush did not hesitate to comment 
1. Leslie M. Scott in the Oregon Statesman, March 29, 1931. 
2. Territorial Papers, Petition No. 10890. 
3. Statesman, April 3, 1860. 
4. Statesman, August 26, 1856. 
6. Statesman, September 16, 1866. 
66 
on problems in the territory to the north of Oregon. There 
were individuals who wanted him to do this but did not want 
the pressure too strong because Washington Territory was 
averse to "foreign interference." 1 
As late in the fifties Bush felt it proper to declare 
his attitude on dueling. Several editorials expressed his 
disapproval of this means of settling difficulties. Oregon 
had. an interesting incident along this line. When Mr. Bush 
was away on one of his trips his editor, Beggs, was threat-
ened-in fact-challenged for certain remarks he had made 
ab_out a letter signed ncouer d'Alene". Mullen challenged 
Beggs to meet him on an island in the Columbia; however, 
Beggs objected to the selection of the place and said that 
he was sending a bottle of strychnine instead. 2 
One view expressed by the editor sounds very modern. 
The capital question brought forth many arguments about the 
Constitution. The continual reference to the document pro-
voked Bush to write: 
"The imposing name of Constitution is 
thrust forward on every occasion as though 
there actually were a question here in refer-
ence to it. The use of the name of the Con-
l. B. P. Anderson to Asahel Bush, March 1, 1860. 
2. Statesman, November 30, 1856. 
67 
stitution presumes upon the ignorance of 
the people and is a dov:yright_ insult to 
whomsoever it is used. 11 
Like his friend Deady, Bush was to be remembered for 
some of his early utterances about education-remarks, some 
of which were to sound very out of date in later years. He 
was opposed to state education for several reasons: first, 
he believed Oregon too sparsely settled; second, parents in 
Oregon were able to pay for their children's education; and 
third,people would take insufficient interest in hiring com-
petent teachers. 2 His own children were educated in private 
schools and his correspondence has many references as to his 
interest in their education. 
Lastly, his view on the changes in history will show 
the well balanced oharaoter of the ma.n. 
"History consists not so much in the mere 
smoke of battles, the blustering of diplomats, 
the dovmfall of cabirif!e~ or the rise of new 
dynasties, as in those~'but often quiet changes 
which permanently affect a people either for 
good or worse. 11 3 
1, Statesman, May 25, 1852. 
2. Statesman, September 29, 1857. 
3. Statesman, January 17, 1860, 
CH.A.PT.ER IV 
PIONEER BANKER 
The most enduring foundations for Asahel Bush's fame 
were laid in the field of business. To his contemporaries 
after 1863 he became best known as a banker. At the time 
of his death great tribute was paid his financial ability. 
The Morning Oregonian stated that he was one of the early 
financial geniuses of the W~st. 1 The Oregon Statesman re-
marked that men who had watched the growth of Oregon from 
the time that it was a wilderness to the time of his death 
generally agreed that no one had had such an influence, 
through his discernment in affairs of finance, trade and 
commerce and-his unselfish and disinterested desire to wit-
ness the economical utilization of the partially deyeloped 
resources. 2 Although Bush did not belong to the earliest 
group of immigrants, those individuals who have been im-
mortalized in literature because of the romance of the fur 
1. Oregonian, December 24, 1913. 
2. Statesman, December 23, 1913. 
69 
trade and the Oregon Trail, we must remember that when Bush 
came to Oregon in 1850, it was still a wilderness. 1 Men 
who have worked for him testified and still do to his shrewd 
business acumen, but they also temper it with a staunch 
avowal of the unknovm good he did in making smaller business 
ventures possible and of integrity in business dealings. 2 
If not ~uite penniless on his arrival in Oregon, Bush 
possessed little or no capital of any kind. In fact, he 
borrowed money to buy the Statesman after he saw that it was 
to his advantage as well as the party's for him to have a 
free hand in the enterprise. If one were to believe Dryer 
and other editors who did not succeed in securing the "polit-
ical plum" he had one of the most lucrative politio~l offices 
in the territory. He denied this in the Statesman by point-
ing out how much more California spent for its printing, but 
in 1856, when he considered giving up the paper for another 
venture since he said that the paper was a regular "tread-
1. T. W. Prosch, ''Notes from a Government Document on 
Conditions in the Fifties", Oregon Historical Quarterly. YIII, 
(June 1907) p. 193. Communication was very poor. There were 
two steamboat routes, one from Portland to Astoria; and the 
other from Portland to Oregon City. As late as 1856, all mail 
routes in Oregon were 986 miles, 729 of which were trails 
suitable only for horses. 
2. (a) Oswald West, Oregon Journal, December 13, 1913. 
(b) E. B. Millard, Conversation, July 1939. 
70 
mill" he urged Deady to assume the control for he said, 
"You can make a good deal of money out of 
the concern, much more than you can as judge 
You can keep and make the Statesman of-
fice the best property in Oregon, in a pecuni-
ary view. I state what I know when I say it 
will afford you an unfailing income .... The 
extent of that income or rather a portion of 
it of course depends upon the retention of the 
printing."l 
The amounts gained from the printing seem rather 
high judged. from later prices paid, but in later years, as 
at the time, Bush insisted that they were commensurate with 
other prices in Oregon. The territorial papers in the 
Library of the Historical Society are very enlightening be-
cause they show exactly for what he was paid; everything is 
down, even items like an insertion for a warning about the 
foundation of the Capitol. When Harvey Scott in later years 
made an investigation about the so-called state printing 
ateal>he was unable to find any fraud on the pa.rt of Bush 
when he checked past records. At any rate in his correspond-
ence with Deady, Bush did not show any nervousness at having 
back records searched, for as he indicated, if there had been 
the desire to steal on his part the character of the comp-
troller, Elisha Whittlesey would have prevented it. In fact, 
1. Asahel Bush to M. P. Deady, November 2, 1866 (private). 
2. Some of the Territorial Papers which indicate charges: 
Numbers 10983, 10439, 10459, 9354. 
71 
letters in the files show how carefully the comptroller 
checked the expenditures of the printing. 1 One instance is 
the time Whittlesey refused to pay for the indexing of the 
journal which he said was the Secretary's duty and B. F. 
Harding, the Secretary, had to talce oare of the matter. 2 
although Bush suffered a set-back financially when 
he lost a new printing press in a disaster at sea, the 
Marion county assessor's records show that he was rapidly 
gaining a fortune in the territorial days. 3 Long before he 
entered into the banking business he was lending money to 
his associates. The rates seem exorbitant, but they need to 
be considered in their time. Some of the notes were written 
for ten per cent per annum, but most of them indicate a rate 
of two per cent per month. He was lending money not only 
to men in Marion County, but to men in Portland and even in 
Washington Territory. An interesting deal was nearly oonsum-
1. Territorial Papers: Numbers 9360 and 7361 will serve 
as typical papers. These are filed under Bush, Asa~el, by 
numbers. Each number on the cards is followed by a brief 
statement as to the contents. 
2. Terri tori al Paper Number 9360: Al·lowing 450 sheets 
to the ream instead of 480, to provide for wastage and bad 
sheets and you have 14 reams exactly. This is a liberal 
allowance and ought'properly to fall upon the printer and 
not upon the government, more especially when the cost of 
printing is so high as it is in Oregon. 
3. Marion County assessors' records: 1854, $6200; 1855, 
$1000; · 1866, $6060; 1857, $15,000; 1858, $24,0_00; 1859, 
$35,300. 
72 
mated whereby Bush would have lent money to B. P. Anderson 
with which he was to buy a press so that he could become 
public printer there, but politics in the north prevented 
the deal.l Well-known men like Stark were borrowing money 
from the Salem man. 2 Through such loans he secured mort-
gages on very valuable Portland property. Some of his po-
litical control no doubt came from the financial obliga-
tions to the editor. This is proved by letters from publio 
officials who were glad to ask Bush to help them out when 
they found themselves in difficult positions. 3 
Bush invested his money in various enterprises. He 
became a member of a mercantile establishment with Lucien 
Heath; he owned the Salem Foundry, was president of the 
Salem Flouring Mills, had an interest in the Salem Woolen 
Mills and in the Oregon Steam Navigation Company.4 Some 
of his money was put into land; in addition to the family 
estate he owned land out in what was called Wallace's 
1. B. P. Anderson to Asahel Bush, December 8, 1858. 
2. John MacCracken to Asahel Bush, July 24, 1859. 
3. Nat Lane to Asahel Bush, May 14, 1857. 
4. Portrait and Biographical Record of Willamette Val-
ley, Oregon (Chicago: Chapman Publishing Company, 1903) 
p. 156. 
Prairie, near Keizer today. The Ziebers, Bush's wife's 
people, had settled in this part of the country. 1 
His greatest influence was exerted as a banker; a 
great share of Salem's and Marion county's business was 
. financed by his institution which was the first bank in 
Salem. As the bank entered its sixtieth year, the Capitol 
Journal reviewed the activities of the eatablishment: 
"The history of the Ladd and Bush bank 
represents the development of the Willamette 
valley. A glance through its archives finds 
among the thousands of patrons the names of 
nearly all who have had an outstanding part 
in the establishment of agricultural and 
commercial relations. It is in· the substan-
tial banking house at State and Commercial 
streets that the heart throb of this valley, 
a distinct valley in itself, are felt. 11 2 
In 1868 the bank of Ladd and Bush was organized in 
Salem. The partnership consisted of the Ladd and Tilton 
bank in Portland and Asahel Bush. This year which marks 
the seventieth anniversary of this financial institution 
seems a fitting time to review its history.3 They selected 
a site on the corner of s .tate and Commercial where the 
first unit of the banking house that remains in use today 
was erected. The bank opened for business on March 29, 
1. Statesman, November 14, 1929. 
2. Capitol Journal, March 29, 1929. 
3. This information is really a resume of the material 
found in the Ladd and Bush Annual (1930), pp. 1-5. 
74 
1869. The capital investment was $50,000; at the end of the 
first day the depositswere $1450. 1 Interest on loans at the 
rate of twelve per cent was collected in advance. At the 
end of the first year the deposits were $80,000. Pioneers 
were distrustful of banks. 
In 1882 Bush bought the Ladd and Tilton share. From 
that date he was sole owner, al though he r.etained the old 
name. By 1890 the bank deposits stood at $900,000. With 
the increase of business came a necessity for enlarging the 
bank building but the original unit was kept. 
The next decede was harder going. 1900 found the de-
posits at $1,000,000 with cash on hand of $900,000 and its 
loans were reduced one-half. 
The fourth decade ended with deposits of two million 
dollars. It was in this period that the bank was incorpor-
ated. The fifth decade brought the death of its founder, 
December 23, 1913. 2 
It is now in its _eighth decade and.still stand.a as 
1. Ladd and Bush Seventieth Anniversary Publication (1939) 
nToday investments are 7000 times the total of the first day.n 
2. Ibid., Mr. Bush lived to see the remodling of the 
building in July, 1912. 11 Under the eye of the foremost Pacif-
ic Coast architect of the day, colorful Italian marole had re-
placed the wooden fixtuxes of old. This Breccia Pavanazza 
marble, with its delicate natural designs carefully matched 
to form figures such aa that of the Spanish Lady to be seen 
near the main entrance, is a work of Beauty that still at-
tracts the eye of all visitors.n 
?5 
a bulwark in the community, having weathered every financial 
crisis. It has never closed its doors except according to 
law. Changes have occurred in its size but it is essential-
ly the bank that the pioneer citizen founded. 1 
Because of Bush's success as a banker, his opinion was 
sought for new undertakings. It is said that it was a catch 
phrase in local commercial circles, "Ask Mr. Bush what he 
thinks of it. 112 
When he died, his will showed that he had be~ueathed 
property that was estimated to be worth two million dollars. 
This was divided between his son Asahel and his daughter 
Sally. The state of Oregon received $20,000 as an inherit-
ance tax. 3 
1. Capitol Journal, March 29, 1929; also conversation 
with Mr. A. N. Bush, 1939. Several things of historical 
interest are found in the bank: 1. The original safe, long 
replaced by one of the best vaults in the Pacific northwest, 
is seen in the niche in the south wall. 2. On the same wall 
hangs a painting of one of Tilton's ships that plied between 
Oregon and China. 3. The outside designs are from the same 
moulds that were used for the Ladd and Tilton bank in Port-
land. 4. On the east wall is seen a large picture of George 
Washington that has an interesting history. Tilton bought 
it from a second hand store in New York thet claimed it had 
been taken from New Orleans by one of General Butler's 
lieutenants during the time of martial law. It bears the 
mark of Kernan, White Guilders, No. 106, Custom street, New 
Orleans. 5. The desk of the pioneer is preserved in the , 
fireplace room and in the directors' room is found some of 
the furniture installed seventy years ago. 
2. Portrait and Biographical Record of Willamette Valley, 
Oregon, (Chicago: Chapman Publishing ComFany, 1903), p. 29. 
3. Oregonian, January 3, 1914. 
CHAPTER V 
ASAHEL BUSH, THE MAN 
Like all politicians, during the years that he was 
the voioe of the "Clique" he was sometimes inconsistent. 
Opportunism and other factors entered in the politician's 
stand. The editor of the Oregonian took great delight in 
pointing out this weakness. The outstanding examples, of 
course, were his stand on the Indian war situation and 
Lane. 
As a father and husband he seemed to be above re-
proach. He married Eugenia Zieber in 1854. 1 She was born 
in Princess Anne, Maryland, in 1833. 2 Herfather, with whom 
she crossed the plains in 1851, was later surveyor general 
of Oregon for several yeara. 3 Mrs. Bush was a cultured 
woman, having been eduoated in the Moravian Seminary in 
Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. She died September 11, 1863, leav-
1. The Ziebers were Pennsylvania Dutch, who had origin-
ally come from Austria. Conversation with A. N. Bush, 1939. 
2. Joseph Gaston, .Q.E.• cit., p. 268. 
3. (a) Diary of John Zieber, Ore~on Pioneer Association 
Transactiona,(July 1920), p. 335. (b) Spectator, October 21, 
1861. An article about the arrival of the Ziebers appeared. 
77 
ing four ohildren: Estelle, asahel, Sally and Eugenia. 
Bush's oorrespondence shows his solicitude for his wife's 
health and grief over her death. 
His interest in his children was evident in so many 
ways. In faot, his anxiety over the babies furnished a 
good laugh for Nesmith and Deady. 1 When he was left with 
his four motherless children, he made their welfare his first 
olaim. Evenings had to be spent at home because they were 
lonesome without him. The matter of their education became 
his prime concern. His character is brought by his solici-
tude for the homesick daughter, Estelle, near whom he re-
mained for several weeks in Pennsylvania until she became 
settled in the school life. 2 
He was greatly provoked when people insinuated that 
his wealth had put him in a distinot class. Deady, who 
seemed to feel wealth did make a difference, brought forth 
several rebukes from Bush: 
"I feel inclined to resent the aocusation 
that I am 'drawn to men' who have accumulated 
wealth. If I thought I held man in higher ' 
esteem because of wealth and in less because 
of lack of it I should despise myself .•.. If 
I like a wealthy man or dislike a pore man it 
1. J. W. Nesmith to M. P. Deady, March 2, 1856. 
2. Asahel Bush to M. P. Deady, May 11, 1871. 
78 
is for reasons having no connection with their 
conditions in these respects .•.• Few of my 
old intimates are now on my list, but of them 
there is a full proportion not burdened with 
this (and for that matter of the next) world's 
good. 11 1 
At another time he voiced his disapproval of the way 
certain men were being selected for a biographical portion 
of an Oregon history. In his words "impecunious kings must 
be excluded while well provided pretenders may be crowned. 112 
People who knew Bush agreed that he had a modest na-
ture. He was content to push others into the limelight even . 
during the days of the "Clique 11 3 • He was never concerned 
with posterity as his friend M. P. Deady, who kept a diary 
and preserved his letters with the idea of students of his-
tory using the material in the future. As early as 1863, 
Deady told Bush to leave out vulgarity (as if Deady were any 
shining example at that time), "Think how your memory will 
suffer when the future Biographer will give your memories to 
the world, with your black guard letters to myself inter-
spersed through the dog-eared volume. 11 4 
1. Asahel Bush to M. P. Deady, November 7, 1870. 
2. Asahel Bush to M. P. Deady, August 16, 1888. 
3. Charles Moores, Oregon Journal, December 23, 1913. 
4. M. P. Deady to Asahel Bush, January 19, 1863. 
79 
In 1876 he refused to push himself for the senate and 
when Grover promised him a post in one of the capitals of 
South America he did not seem to ~esire one. 
To those who knew him as a friend especially in later 
years he was considered a charming, affable man, but to those 
who did not know him he seemed austere and even sometimes af-
fected, but what traits he did possess of this nature were 
bred in him. 1 In the days of the "Clique" his friends were 
genuine in their admiration for him. In their correspondence 
no word of distrust was expressed of their leader, although 
they admitted that he was adamant and tenacious in his pur-
pose. To judge from contemporary papers one would think he 
was the most detested man in Oregon, for it is true that he 
was cold, and ruthless, in his political tactics. Since he 
did ·seem to lead the nclique" and was the voice of the Demo-
cratic organization attacks against Bush were really attacks 
against the party. One member of the Democratic party ad-
mitted that Bush was the scape goat for the group. 2 He had 
a wit which could be pleasant or biting as Boreas and this 
1. Frank E. Hodgkin and J. J. Galvin, Pen Pictures of 
Representative Men in Oregon, (Portland: Farmer and Dairy-
man Publishing House, 1882) p. 57. 
2. W.W. Bristow to Asahel Bush, June 21, 1860. 
80 
has the lash that held men in the party. Even_h is friends 
spoke of his trenchant tongue a11d called him "persimmons". 
He was no more profane than others who wrote in that 
day. His patience was tried to the breaking point by the 
vast a.mount of work that he tried to do. Those letters 
which contain the most swearing invariably are the ones 
written with the greatest haste. 
His inability to bother with clerical details alone 
oaused much confusion and made him much difficulty .1 .During 
the days he was editor of the Statesman he would lose re-
Qeipts and charge for bills already paid-a fault which 
brought much v1ra.th down on his head. His son, A. N. Bush, 
remarked that this trait is the reason his father did not 
keep a diary and why he did not preserve his records better. 
Although in later years business prevented Asahel 
Bush from playing a prominent role in civic affairs, he serv-
ed Oregon in a number of ways. He vms a trustee of Willam-
ette University. 2 To this school in 1904 he gave a gift of 
- $2000 toward a medical building. 3 From 1882-1893 ~e was a 
1.hi)Nat Lane to Asahel Bush, March 14, 1860. "Don't be 
so------ careless, hire a man to take charge of your books, 
if you haven't time to take care of it yourself." (b) s. 
Norris to Bush, February 3, 1860. "Why not employ some one 
to attend to the business department and not continually 
make those mis takes." 
2. Original charter for Willamette University, Oregon 
Historical Library. 
3. Oregonian, May 1, 1904. 
81 
regent of the University of Oregon. 1 He was a member of 
the board of directors for the Lewis and Clark Centennial 
Exposition. In 1897, Bush was the only representative from 
Oregon who attended the meeting of the national board of 
charities and corrections held in New York City. Governor 
Lord appointed him to this honored position. 2 
When his death occurred in 1913 the papers carried 
many tributes. Senator Harry Lane said: 
''He was one of the brainiest men who ever 
went to Oregon and was one of the best friends 
I ever had, the one I valued most highly of 
all. He became leader of the Democratic party 
through his strong personality. One of the 
most incisive writers in the United States, a 
man of strong opinions, he saw through all 
shams. He became one of the safest bankers in 
the country. He should have been in this 
senate long ago." 
Another fine tribute was paid by ex-Governor Viest, 
who said: 
"Mr. Bush was one of the biggest and brain-
iest men this country has ever produced. He 
was a real banker and would have succeeded 
equally well in any other business. I was 
employed by him for eleven years and each day's 
association only increased my admiration. 11 3 • 
The name of Bush has meant much to Salem, and will 
continue to do so in the future since the name has been 
1. n. C. Pratt to Asahel Bush, March 17, 1887. He used 
his influence to secure an honorary L.L.D. from the Univer-
sity of Oregon. 
2. Secretary of State's Report for 1897, Biographical 
Appendix. 
~. Oswald West, Oregon Journal, December 23, 1914. 
82 
perpetuated for future generations. 
The most modern elementary school in Salem bears the 
name of Bush. This is located near the land where the 
pioneer lived for so many years. In the school hangs a por-
trait of Asahel Bush given by the family. 
Soon after Asahel Bush's death, Miss Sally Bush gave 
to the c'ity some sixty acres of the family estate between 
._Mission and Lafelle Streets along High to become a city park 
at the time of her death. This will preserve the land known 
so long as "Bush's pasture." Bush obtained this land by 
tradin~ his original property in Salem which -was located 
north of the site on which the Catholic school now stands 
for David Leslie's claim of some one hundred acres. 1 
In the state capitol his name is inscribed among 
Oregon's foremost citizens. He appears in the mural which 
depicts the admission of Oregon to the Union. 2 
Some have called Judge Williams the "grand old man 
of Oregon11 -Asahel Bush could be designated as the "neglect-
ed man of Oregon. 113 Many men who have done much less for 
1. Conversation with A. N. Bush, 1939. 
2. Guide of the tours points him out as the third man on 
the right from the governor, who is on horseback. 
3. O. Christensen, Grand Old Man of Oregon; the Life of 
George H. Williams, (Unpublished Thesis, 1937) University of 
Oregon. 
83 
the state have received more credit in publications. The 
name of the pioneer editor does not even appear in the Dio-
tionary of American Biography. 
CHAPTER VI 
CONCLUSION 
Asahel Bush played an important part in the history 
of Oregon, 1861-1913, because of his activities as editor, 
politician, and banker. 
The files of the Statesman (1851-1863) give an ex-
cellent idea of the political activities in the territory 
and of those in the early days of the state. Although the 
paper was highly partisan, the reading of the files helps 
the writer to understand the Democratic control during the 
Territorial period. In addition to matters of local con-
cern, through the Statesman one learns that Oregon discussed 
questions which were issues in the states, e.g. prohibition, 
native-Americanism, and slavery. Bush, as editor, devoted 
much space to the discussion ,of these. Until the latter 
part of the fifties he succeeded in keeping the slavery 
question in the background,and in considering the three 
questions one may safely say his bitterest attacks were 
against the Know-Nothings. He was an ardent admirer of 
Stephen A. Douglas and it is interesting to see how nearly 
his ideas coincided with those of the national leader. 
Although much of his influence came through his 
journalistic efforts, he built up a strong political or-
ganization, the leaders of which were designated as the 
"Salem Clique". This group had many enemies, but in spite 
of its ruthless polioy toward securing the "spoils of of-
fice", it stood for honesty in office. 
After Bush severed his connection with the States-
!filill, his political influence was lees prominent, but still 
important. He was a member of -the National Democratic 
Convention _that nominated Cleveland in 1884, chairman of 
the State Democratic Central Committee in 1888, superin-
tendent of the penitentiary for four years, and was offer-
ed a post by the national government during the Cleveland 
administration, secretary of the treasury. 
Bush also played an important part in the business 
development of Oregon, especially in the history of banking. 
From the day of its opening, March 29, 1869, to the present 
the Ladd and Bush bank has been a stable influence, not 
only in Salem but in the Willamette valley and the' s ta.te. 
The growth of the deposits from $1450, received the first 
day, to over $11,000,000 today speaks well for the careful 
and wise management of the institution. 
Asahel Bush's active part in the development of Ore-
gon is made more colorful and interesting by a knowledge of 
his forceful personality which vms full of many contrasts. 
86 
While he was domineering, he was also modest; his humor 
though biting at times could be delightful; considerate of 
friends and children he was ruthless in dealing with polit-
ical opponents. 
87 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
Primary Sources 
(Unpublished) 
The letters in the Bush Collection were written to Asahel 
Bush by the following people: 
Anderson, B. F., 1851-1861, (23 letters). 
Applegate, Jesse, 1851-1863, (14 letters) .. 
Ba.rn,:_hart, W. H., 1852-1863, (22 letters). 
Boise, R. P., 1852-18~3, (13 letters). 
Boyd, G. D~ R., 1853-1856, (13 letters). 
w. w. 
Bristow,~1855-1861, (11 letters). 
Chadwick, s. F., 1852-1860, (21 letters). 
Curry, George, 1853-1860, (17 letters). 
Deady, M. P., 1851-1889, (98 letters). 
Dearborn, R.H., 1855-1859, (12 letters). 
Drew, J. W., 1855-1861, (41 letters). 
Grover, L. F., 1855-1901, (16 letters). 
Harding, B. F., 1851-188~ (18 letters; one is to 
Whittlesey). 
Kearney, E. 8., 1859-1860, (12 letters). 
Lane, Joseph, 1851-1880, (66 letters). 
Lane, Nat, 1856, (21 letters). 
Malone, Pat, 1855-1857, (14 letters). 
MoCracken, John, 1853-1863, (58 letters). 
88 
Norris, s., 1864-1860, (18 letters). 
Pratt, o. c., 1861-1887, (20 letters). 
Pyle, J.M., 1866-1860, (21 letters). 
Smith, Delazon, 1847~1861~ (31 letters}. 
Terry, c. N., 1866, (10 letters). 
Thurston, S. R., 1860-1861, (43 letters). 
Williams, George, 1854-1908, (11 letters). 
Miscellaneous, 1861-1860, (31 letters). 
Letters pertaining to Bush in the Oregon Historical Library. 
From A. N. Bush to the Following People: 
Deady, M. P., 1861-1889, (271 letters). 
Kendall, B. F., 1860, (3 1etters). 
Lane, Joseph, 1862-1866, (8 letters). 
Nesmith, J. W., 1866, . (1 letter). 
Norris, S., 1862, ( l letter). 
Bryant, H. D., 1863, (1 letter). 
Thurston, s. R., 1860-1851, (7 letters). 
From M. P. Deady to the Following People: 
Dryer, T., 1863, (l letter). 
Kearney, E. S., 1863, (l letter). 
Lane, Joseph, 1863, (6 letters). 
Logan, D., 1851, (l letter). 
From D. W. Craig to George Himes, 1909, (1 letter). 
89 
From J. W. Nesmith to the Following People: 
Curry, George, 1855, (1 letter). 
Deady, M. P., 1853-18~2. (43 letters). 
Lane, Joseph, 1864-1859, (4 letters). 
Smith, Delazon, 1869, (1 letter). 
Papers of the Territorial Government which are filed in the 
Oregon Historical Library. The following pertain to 
Aaahel Bush (1850-1869); 
Abstracts 
Agreements 
Assessor's roll for Marion County 
Bills signed aa Clerk of the House 
Bills for Servio ea 
Bonda 
Charter for Willamette University 
Letters About the Archives 
From the Comptroller 
Petitions signed 
Report~ of Committees 
Receipts 
Resolution of the House 
Vouchers 
90 
Primary Sources 
(Published Materials) 
Laws and Journals of the Territory and State, Vole. III-XI, 
( 1861-1862). 
Oregon Pioneer Association Transactions, 
DI Arey, P., 0 .Annual Address, 11 ( 1909) ,. 348. 
McBride, John, "Annual Address," (1897) 39-43. 
McBride, T. A., ".Annual Address," (1902L 104-105. 
Walter, Cyrus H., "Occasional Address," (1900), 46. 
Zieber, J._ IC., "Diary," (1920), 336. , 
Vox Populi (1852-1853). [Four copies of this little paper 
are on file in the Library of . the Oregon Historical 
Library. There are also two copies in . the Bush ool-
leotion~ • 
91 
Primary Souroes 
(Contemporary Newspapers) 1 
Place of Publica-
Dates tion 
*~ 1855-1863 Oregon City 
*Democratic Crisis (former- 1859 Corvallis 
ly Occidental Messenger) 
*Democratic Standard 1854-1859 Portland 
*Occidental Messenger 1857-1858 Corvallis 
*Oregon Democrat 1859-1863 Albany 
Oregonian 1851-1863 Portland 
**Oregon Statesman 1851-1863 Oregon City, Cor-
vallis, Salem 
Oregon Weekly Times (for- 1851-1858 Portland 
merly Western Star) 
*Oregon Weekly Union 1859-1861 Corvallis 
*Pacific Christian Advocate 1855-1860 Salem, Portland 
*People's Press 1858-1860 Eugene 
*Table Rock Sentinel 1855-1861 Jacksonville 
Spectator 1850-1852 Oregon City 
1. Best file is found in Oregon Historical Library. 
*Incomplete file. 
**Complete file in the A. N. Bush Collection. 
92 
Secondary Sources 
(General) 
Bancroft, H. H., History of Pacific States of North America, 
San Francisco: The History Company, 1888. 
Carey, Charles H., A General History of Oregon, Portland: 
Metropolitan Press, 1936. 
Christensen, Oscar c., Grand Old Man of Oregon; The Life of 
George H. Williams, fUnpublished Thesis) 
1937, University of Oregon. 
Clark, R. c., History of the Willamette Valley. Chicago: 
The S. J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1927. 
Gaston, Joseph, The Centennial Histo:cy of Oregon, Chi.cago: 
The S. J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1912. 
Geer, T. T., Fifty Years in Oregon, New York: Neale Pub-
lishing Com-i:any, 1916. 
Hines, H.K., An Illustrated History of the State of Oregon, 
Chicago: Lewis Publishing Company, 1893. 
Lang, H. O., History of the Willamette Valley. Portland: 
George Himes Book and Job Printer, 1883. 
Lyman, H. s., History of Oregon, New York: North Pacific 
Publishing Company, 1903. 
Newton, Lena, The Public Career of Joseph Lane in Oregon, 
(Unpublished Senior Thesis) 1913, Univer-
sity of Oregon. 
Overmeyer, Philip H., The Oregon Justinian-A Life of Mat-
thew Paul Deady, (Unpublished Thesis) 1936, 
University of Oregon. 
Scott, Harvey w., History of the Oregon Country, compiled 
by Leslie Scott, Cambridge: Riverside 
:Press, 1924. 
Woodward, W. a., The Rise and Early History of Political 
Parties in Oregon, Portland: Gill, 1913. 
93 
Seoondary Sources 
(Biographical Sketches) 
Carey, C.H., History of Oregon, III, Chicago: The Pioneer 
Historical Publishing Company, 1922. 
Clark, R. C., History of the Willamette Valley, II, Chicago: 
The s. J. Clarke Fublishing Company, 192?. 
Evans, Elwood, History of the Pacific Northwest, Portland: 
North Pacific History Company, 1889. 
Gaston, Joseph, Centennial History: of Oregon, II, Chicago: 
The s. J. Clarke Fublishing Company, 1922. 
Hodgkin, Frank E., and Galvin, J. J., Pen Pictures of Repre-
sentative Men in Oregon, Portland: Farmer 
and Dairyman Publishing House, 1882. 
Kincaid, H. R., Political and Official History and Register 
of Oregon, Biographical Appendix of the 
Secretary of the State's Report, 1897-1898. 
Portrait and Biographical Record of Willamette Valley, Ore-
&Q!l, Chicago: Chapman Fublishing Company, 
1903. 
Salem Direotory, 18?1. 
West, Oswald, The Politics and Politicians of Early Oregon, 
(Unpublished paper prepared for Reed Col-
lege history class) 1938. 
94 
Secondary Sources 
{Periodicals) 
Ladd and Bush Quarterly, {April 1914) 15, (December 1914) 15, 
(April 1915) 1-11. 
Ladd and Bush Annual {1930) 1-5. 
Ladd and Bush Seventieth Anniversary Publication (1939). 
Oregon Historical Quarterly: 
Caswell, John E., "The Prohibition Question in 
Oregon," XXXIX, (Sept. 1938), 235-261. 
Clark, R-. C .• "Military History of Oregon," XXXVI, 
14-59. 
Davenport, T. w., "Slavery Question in Oregon," 
IX (Sept. 1908), 189-253, (Dec. 1908), 
309-373. 
Ellison, Joseph, "The Currency Question in Oregon 
during the Civil War Period,'' XXVIII (March 
1927), 39-48. 
Himes, George, "History of the Press of Oregon: III 
(Dec. 1902), 315-370. 
Ludington, Flora Belle, "The Newspa-pers of Oregon, 
1846-1870," XXVI (Sept. 1925), 229-261. 
Platt, Robert, "Oregon in the Civil War," IV, 
(June 1903), 89-109. . , 
Prosch, Thomas W., "Notes from a Government Docu-
ment on Oregon Conditions in the Fifties," 
VIII (June 1907), 191-200. 
Shippee, L. B., "The Federal Relations of Oregon," 
XX (Sept. 1919), 26,1-276, 345-392. 
Shippee, L. B., "J.n Echo of the Campaign of Sixty," 
XII (Sept. 1911), 171-178. 
Winslow, Walter, "Contests over the Capital of Oregon," 
IX (June 1908), 171-178. 
Young, F. G., "Financial History of Oregon," VIII 
(June 1909), 129-190~ (Sept. 1909), 263-295. 
95 
Secondary Sources 
(Later Newspaper Articles) 
Capital Journal, March 29, 1929, Ladd and Bush starts on 
61st year. 
Oregonian, August 18, 1879, interview with Mr. Bush, 
Superintendent of the Penitentiary. 
March 8, 1880, Quarter Report of A. Bush, 
Superintendent of Penitentiary. 
March 9, 1880, Comparative expense lists of 
the state prison under Watkins and 
A. Bush. 
January 22, 1895, July 25, 1895: iteIIB about 
the r egenta of the University of Oregon. 
December 24, 1896, Death of the Oregon Pioneer. 
January 3, 1914, Will of the Salem Banker. 
February 1, 1914, Asahel Bush as Boss. 
March 26, 1914, West's note; undervaluation of 
the estate. 
Oregon Journal, July 15, 1922, Quotation from an old Oregon 
statute book printed by A.Bush. In the 
column conducted by Fred Locksley. 
Oregon Statesman, December 24, 1913, Death of Asahel Bush. 
November 14, 1929, The Story of Keizer. 
March 28, 1931, Anniversary Number.